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Tue subject of this little book is, as its title shows, 
Cesare Lombroso, the man and the investigator; it 
makes no attempt to deal adequately with Lombroso, 
the reformer of criminology and criminal sociology. 
To do justice to Lombroso’s work in the latter respect 
would be impossible, without at the same time writing 
the history of the Italian school of ‘ positive criminal 
jurisprudence” and that of the influence of that 
school upon important tendencies of the public life of 
all the leading civilized peoples. It would also be 
impossible without dealing at the same time with the 
plan of the new German criminal code. For many 
reasons I have refrained from any such attempt; 
above all, in view of limits of space. None the less, 
I have dealt with Lombroso’s activity as a reformer 
as far as this was essential in order to do justice to 
the personality of the deceased investigator. : 

Certain brief sections of this book have, with con- 
siderable modifications, been taken over from my 
earlier publications upon the development of criminal 
anthropology. Entirely new, however, is the attempt 
here made to demonstrate how high is the position 

_Lombroso may justly be said to have occupied in a 

brilliant epoch of positive study of the world, of 




mankind, and of society. In order to illustrate the 
positive mode of thought, I have in an Appendix, to 
which I especially direct the reader’s attention, 
attempted a tabular statement of the facts and 
documents of positivism during the middle decades 
of the nineteenth century. The inclusion in this 
tabular statement of the principal writings of Herbert 
Spencer is the result of mature consideration and 
of a renewed careful study of his essay entitled 
**Reasons for Dissenting from the Philosophy of 
M. Comte.” Comte’s philosophy represents merely 
the reflection of positivism about itself, and is no 
more than the introduction to the completer develop- 
ment of positivism. 

Bonn, Whitsuntide, 1910. 


I taxe this opportunity of expressing my grateful 
acknowledgments to Mr. Havelock Ellis, who read my 
translation in manuscript, and made many valuable 
suggestions as to terminology. 


Moorcrort, PARKSTONE, DoRSET. 
Christmas, 1910. 


PREFACE - = ~ - - - Vv 

SEARCH - - - - - - 1 


PSYCHOLOGY - . - - - - 56 





REFORM - - . - - - 1389 



INDEX - - - : - ° - 182 





CrsareE Lomproso was born in Verona, as an Austrian 
subject, on November 6, 1835, and was the second 
child in a family of five. His father Aron sprang 
from a Venetian mercantile family, whose origin can 
be traced back to a colony of North African Jews, 
trading with Leghorn, Genoa, and Venice. Again 
and again members of the Lombroso family settled 
in one or other of these ports. The branch to which 
he himself belonged had lived for several centuries 
in Venice and the Venetian territories on the main- 
land, of which from the year 1448 onwards Verona 
formed a part; they were patrician merchants, to 
whom the French occupation, occurring before 
Lombroso’s father grew up, had brought full and 
equal privileges of citizenship.‘ Several members 

1 The family name, originally pronounced Lumbroso, shows 
clearly that the family, belonged to the Spanish Jews who were 

sn.745% 3 


of this Venetian family were distinguished by charac- 
teristic and vigorous action on behalf of the cause 
of enlightenment. In Virginia, North America, in 
the seventeenth century, the brother of a direct 
ancestor of Cesare Lombroso, at a great risk to himself 
of being burned alive, protested most energetically 
against the belief in witchcraft, and declared that 
the reputed witches were ‘‘ hysterical” merely. 

The French emancipation of Upper Italy was 
followed in 1814 by the Austrian reaction, but the 
family suffered at this time from the decline in 
economic prosperity (interrupted for a while in 1830, 
when Venice became a free port) upon which its own 
well-being and patrician position had been dependent. 

The formation of the Hapsburg Kingdom of 
Lombardy and Venice put an end for the time 
being to equality of civil rights for the Jews; and 
Verona was one of the few towns of the district in 
which Jewish boys were allowed to attend the 
Gymnasium (public school), now removed from the 
control of the freethinkers, and handed over to that 
of the Jesuits. 

When Lombroso’s mother, Zefira Levi, married 
Aron Lombroso in the year 1880, she stipulated that 
her children must be brought up in a place in which 

expelled from Spain and settled in North Africa. The name is 
a Spanish adjective in common use, denoting ‘clear’ or 

© eg Oe Ue 


it would be possible for them to attend the higher 

The marriage with Zefira Levi, who belonged to a 
rich family engaged in the higher branch of industrial 
life, did not suffice to prevent the onset of poverty; 
and the youth of the five children of the marriage 
was passed in narrow circumstances. The mother, 
richly endowed both in mind and in character, and 
deeply concerned regarding the upbringing and culture 
of her children, remained her son’s confidant. She 
nourished in him the love of freedom and the sense 
of independence, both of which were dominant in 
her parental home at Chieri, one of the centres of 
activity of the Carbonari. Chieri, an industrial town 
of Piedmont, lay beyond the sphere of influence of 
Haynau and Radetzky, who, with the aid of their 
Croats and Tschechs, encouraged the feudal and 
clerical reaction in Venice, Verona, and Milan. 

Lombroso’s father was an amateur as regards 
practical life, a man who had grown up under the 
influence of the French spirit and in a perfectly 
free social state, a man of great goodness of heart, 
but as little fitted to cope with the influences of the 
economic decay of the Venetian State as he was with 
those of the Austrian reign of terror. 

During Lombroso’s childhood there occurred a 
conspiracy on the part of certain Veronese patriots 
against the Austrian occupation, which was suppressed 


by the wholesale hanging and shooting of the 
conspirators; and when he was only thirteen years 
of age there took place the temporary freeing of 
Milan and Venice from the Austrian yoke (1848), an 
event in which the young men of Milan, the second 
largest town of the old Venetian Republic, played a 
lively part. | 

Lombroso’s revolutionary tendencies in the field of 
science, and his small respect for what was tradition- 
ally established, were doubtless dependent upon the 
joint effect of the inherited tendencies and the youthful 
impressions I have described. An important additional 
factor in his development was his family’s loss of 
fortune, consequent upon the political disturbances in 
Italy, which lasted until the re-establishment of the 
Austrian dominion. It was only the courage and 
capacity of the mother which saved the children from 
sinking into the ranks of the proletariat; but some 
loss of social position was inevitable, and the effect of 
this on Lombroso’s distinctive temperament may be 
traced in the fact that he was a rebel from youth 
onwards, and strongly opposed the (vitalistic) doctrines 
professed at the Universities by the sons of the well- 
to-do. Thus it was also that he ventured a serious 
attack upon the interests of the great landed pro- 
prietors of Upper Italy by his descriptions of agrarian 
poverty and his bold exposition of the causes of 



The influence of the philosopher Vico, whose works 
were eagerly studied in secret at the Gymnasium 
(public school) of Verona, made him acquainted at an 
early date with the importance of the principle of 
organic development in relation to the structure and 
life of human society. Vico was studied im secret, 
because the Gymnasium was under the control of 
Jesuits with Austrian sympathies, who deliberately 
discouraged all advanced ideas. In 1861 Lombroso 
wrote in his diary as follows: ‘‘ It may be said of my 
schooldays without exaggeration that I was thrust 
back into an environment of persistent medievalism— 
not the later sentimental revival of the Middle Ages 
in romance and drama—but into the conditions that 
prevailed prior to 1789, literally restored by the might 
of the bayonets of 1814. The memory of this forcible 
discipline, which did violence to the inborn logical 
spirit, and visited with severe punishment any protests 
against its methods, is so hateful to me that even 
now it visits me in dreams like a nightmare.” At 
the time of the introduction of Italian scholastic 
methods into the lands under Austrian rule, the well- 
known utterance of the Kaiser Franz is said to have 
originated: “‘I want, not educated, but obedient 

While still at school, Lombroso was also introduced 
to the evolutionary idea by the writings and the 
powerful personal influence of the physician Marzolo, 


who endeavoured by means of comparative philology 
to explain the origin of the earliest religious and legal 
institutions. Ceccarel, Marzolo’s biographer, in his 
first work on this investigator, published in 1870 (by 
Priuli of Treviso), writes as follows: ‘‘ In 1850, when 
the first volume of Marzolo’s ‘Monumenti storici 
rivelati dall’ analisi della parola ’ was published, certain 
periodicals reviewed the book in the most favourable 
terms. But the writer himself was disappointed by 
their remarks, for he saw that his well-meaning 
critics had not really understood his ideas. Then one 
day he read in a journal published in Verona an 
article in which full justice was done to his book; he 
desired to make the acquaintance of this critic, whose 
name was unknown to him, and whose real under- 
standing of Marzolo’s views had delighted the latter 
for the first time in several years, and had at length 
rewarded him for his long and arduous labours. He 
imagined that the writer of the notice must be an 
advanced but lonely scientific thinker, one who owing 
to his private circumstances or on account of the 
disturbed times had hitherto lived in retirement. 
But when the writer of the review came to see Marzolo 
at Treviso, it proved to be a youth only sixteen years 
of age—Cesare Lombroso—the first in all Italy to 
recognize the genius of Marzolo, bringing the love of 
a son and the devotion of a disciple.” 

At the outset of Lombroso’s studies he was greatly 


influenced by reading Burdach’s “‘ Handbuch der 
Physiologie,” a work rich in anthropological ideas. 
At the University of Pavia, Panizza’ was the only 
man who had much effect in shaping Lombroso’s 
mental development. 

During the decade 1850 to 1860, on the other hand, 
Lombroso, as a self-taught man, was simultaneously 
influenced by three great contemporary and com- 
plementary tendencies—that of French positivism, 
that of German materialism, and that of English 
evolutionism. With the last-named he became ac- 
quainted through French intermediation. He never 
had any clinical instruction in psychiatry. He read 
the works of Charuigi, Griesinger, and the great 
_ psychiatrists of the school of Esquirol. | 

Lombroso’s attitude towards German materialism, 
by which in youth he was so powerfully influenced, is 
shown most clearly by two utterances of his regarding 
Moleschott. The first of these occurs in the preface 
to his Italian edition of Moleschott’s ‘‘ Kreislauf des 
Lebens,” a translation not published till 1869, though 

1 Bartolomeo Panizza—in 1812-13 army surgeon attached to 
the grande armée in Russia; in 1815 professor of anatomy at 
Pavia—discovered the characteristic of the crocodile to which 
Briicke gave the name of foramen Panizz@ ; widely known as 
a teratologist and comparative anatomist ; in 1856 published his 
**Osservazioni sperimentali sul nervo ottico,” based upon the 
method of secondary degeneration of the medullary sheath, 
subsequently applied by Gudden with such valuable results. 


written in the early sixties. (In the year 1854 Mole- 
schott was expelled from Heidelberg on account of the 
publication of this work; from 1861 to 1879 he was 
professor of physiology in Turin.) The passage runs 
as follows (II.-III.): ‘‘ At a late hour, perhaps, and 
yet when the time was ripe, and unquestionably with 
greater sincerity and fervour than has been the case 
with the other Latin peoples, Italy took part in the 
scientific movement of which this book formed the 
starting-point. But just because she was so tardy an 
adherent, and in the endeavour, as it were, to make 
up for lost time, some persons in this country are 
apt to go too far; not only do they contest the old 
prejudices and the false authorities, but they also 
deny or misunderstand facts, simply for the reason 
that those in the other camp admit these facts, or 
because these facts appear to support the old doctrines. 
Thus they often follow leaders who are not entirely to 
be trusted, such as Buchner, Renan, and Reich; and 
they mistake declamations and confused rhapsodies 
for sound arguments, oppose fanaticism with fana- 
ticism, and offer to their enemies the tools needed for 
the reconstruction of the buildings which have just 
been razed to the ground.”’ 

The other passage occurs in his obituary notice on 
Moleschott, written in 1898: ‘‘The whole course of 
modern science shows that the impulse it received 
from the life-work of Moleschott is destined, not only 


to persist, but to make further and more rapid pro- 
gress. Moreover, the reputed philanthropists, whose 
objection was not so much to the truth itself as to 
the injurious consequences which they believed would 
follow from its publication, must see to-day that 
certain truths, however dangerous and alarming they 
may at first appear, lead ultimately to the general 
advantage, and to the advantage even of that morality 
on which it was at first supposed they would have a 
damaging effect. It no longer distresses us when we 
see that morality, thanks to social physics and 
political economy, must descend from its glittering 
but fragile metaphysical altar, in order to find in 
utility a modest but secure foundation, from which 
it becomes possible to render harmless or to diminish 
that crime which hitherto has mocked at penal 

In Vienna, in 1856, Lombroso passed the official 
examination for his medical degree. Here the influ- 
ence of Skoda, and Lombroso’s becoming acquainted 
with the early works of Virchow, did not tend to induce 
in him sentiments of toleration towards the vitalistic 
doctrines. dominant at the Italian Universities or 
towards the narrow circle of professors owing their 
appointment to Austrian influence and interested in 
the maintenance of these doctrines. He never ceased 
to be affected by this early opposition to academic 
tradition and to academic circles; in fact, it accentu- 


ated in him a certain natural tendency to paradoxes 
and heresies. . 

The inclination to exact observation,’ acquired 
through his contact with German science, led him to 
the study, with record of weights and measurements, 
of cretinism in Upper Italy ;2 from this to the utiliza- 
tion of these methods for the instigation of an 
anthropometrical investigation of the population of 
Upper Italy; and also to the study of clinical psy- 
chiatry, at that time entirely neglected in Italy.® 
The translation of Moleschott’s epoch-making writings 
gave a finish to Lombroso’s conception of the world ; 
he broke loose from the speculative tendency of the 

1 T have not been able to ascertain precisely to what extent 
Lombroso was influenced by Quetelet. The writings of this 
investigator did not reach him directly, but they probably 
influenced him indirectly by way of von Oettingen’s ‘‘ Moral 

2 « Ricerchi sul cretinesimo in Lombardia,’ Gazz. Medica 
Italiana Lombarda, No. 18, 1859. 

3 Together with Mantegazza, his colleague (as experimental 
pathologist) in Pavia from 1861 to 1866, Lombroso was the 
founder of anthropology in Italy. Of anthropology in the 
modern sense it is possible to speak only since, in the year 1859, 
Broca founded the Parisian Anthropological Society. Previously 
the term had denoted, as Kant’s ‘“* Anthropology” shows, 
empirical descriptive psychology. From the first the doctrine 
of the important varieties of human beings (insanity, cretinism, 
criminality, genius, degeneration) was for Lombroso a chapter 
of general anthropology. From the first also he regarded a 
knowledge of the environment as of the greatest importance 
for an understanding of the origin of these varieties (vide 


psychiatry of the day, which at that time in Germany 
also was assuming the most remarkable forms; he 
turned with repugnance from the interminable dis- 
cussions regarding the freedom of the will, and began, 
in the case of the insane, of criminal lunatics, and 
of criminals, to study their pathological anatomy 
(assisted here by Golgi), their sensory impressions, 
and their anthropological—and more especially 

It is a well-known fact that from that day to our 
own the pathological anatomy of the psychoses has 
not furnished much in the way of positive results, not 
even to the most accomplished virtuosos of the 
methods of staining the fibres of the brain. Lom- 
broso, to whom in Pavia Golgi for a long time acted as 
assistant, wisely refused to limit himself to the study 
of pathological anatomy, but always investigated side 
by side with this the clinical features of the psychoses 
and neuroses. 

From the first he inclined to the view that the 
exact measurement and description of skulls and 
brains would lead to the discovery of definite dis- 
tinctions between sane and insane criminals, between 
lunatics and epileptics, etc. 

Whilst he never ignored clinical observation and 
the study of the sensory functions, he gave the first 
place to weights and measurements: these were to 
him the guarantees of an exaci method of procedure ; 


and he was led to borrow the instruments and 
methods of anthropology on account of his postulate 
for an anthropology of lunatics and criminals. In his 
interpretation of the facts thus obtained he was 
guided chiefly by the sane materialism of Moleschott 
and by the Darwinian idea of the variability of races. 
As a disciple of Vico, he saw nothing absurd in the 
view that an apparently purely social phenomenon, 
such as crime, can be organically caused. 

The chance discovery of theromorphism (the ex- 
pression is Virchow’s, and denotes the presence in 
man of certain bodily peculiarities of one of the lower 
animals) in the skulls of certain criminals, in the 
year 1870, finally gave rise to the formulation of a 
uniform hypothesis regarding the nature of crimin- 
ality. Before the publication, in 1871, of the 
elements of this theory, Lombroso was able to devote 
a year to the study of the inmates of a large prison, 
being at the time Medical Superintendent of the Pro- 
vincial Asylum at Pesaro, where there was also a 
large penitentiary. During the years 1871 to 1876, 
when he was once more lecturer and _ professor- 
extraordinary at Paviat— years during which he 
published his studies on pellagra, and, in addition, a 
number of anthropological and purely psychiatric 
works—he was also much occupied with the ana- 

1 In Pavia, in 1871, he was appointed, in addition, lecturer on 
forensie medicine and hygiene. 


fomical post-mortem study of the bodies of criminals. 
After 1876, when he came to Turin’ as professor of 
forensic medicine, being also physician to the great 
prison in that town for prisoners awaiting trial, he 
was able to examine most minutely, according to his 
own methods, two hundred prisoners every year, 
whilst a much greater number were subjected at least 
to ordinary clinical examination. This inconsiderable 
and very poorly-paid official position led him, without 
abandoning his unwearied researches into pellagra, to 
devote his chief attention day by day to the subject of 
criminal anthropology. 

It was in the course of these investigations, and 
of the controversies to which the publication of his 
results gave rise, that he first became acquainted 
with the work of his predecessors in the same field. 
This has been demonstrated to me by incontrovertible 

As predecessors must be named some of the adherents 
of Gall’s theories regarding the skull: the French 
physiologist and physician, Despine; the French 
psychiatrist, Morel; and three English medical men 

1 Lombroso, as professor of forensic medicine, was also a 
member of the legal faculty. From 1896 onwards he held, in 
addition, the position of professor-in-ordinary of psychiatry and 
superintendent of the psychiatric clinic. As early as 1891 he 
had received the appointment of professor-extraordinary of 
psychiatry. In the year 1900, the Minister of Education 

(L. Bianchi) appointed him professor-in-ordinary of criminal 
anthropology, whilst he retained the professorship of psychiatry. 


—one, the psychiatrist and distinguished anthropo- 
logist, Prichard, the other two prison surgeons, 
Nicolson and Bruce Thomson. 

Gall is apt to be judged, very unjustly, only by his 
errors; for he was, in truth, the originator of the 
principle of the localization of the functions of the 
brain, and gave the first impulse to the scientific 
study of criminals, though he did not himself make 
any definite discoveries in this field. His pupil, 
Lauvergne, prison surgeon at Toulon during a long 
period of years, examined thousands of criminals, and 
left interesting plaster-casts of skulls; certain types 
were admirably described by him. Despine made a 
thorough study of the psychology of the criminal, 
and showed that the principal characteristics of the 
habitual criminal are idleness, irresolution, and 
lessened sensibility, both mental and physical. Sup- 
plementary to Despine’s investigations was the great 
work of Lucas upon heredity, in which he demon- 
strated the hereditary transmissibility of the dis- 
position to theft, murder, rape, and arson, and 
furnished extensive materials regarding the congenital 
nature of the tendency to crime. 

Morel’s work lacked thorough analysis, and was 
also destitute of a firm biological foundation ; but it 
was based upon extensive materials, and was animated 
by a certain instinct for what was important. His 
‘“‘Traité des Dégénérescences”’ was published in 1859. 


_ Thus originated the catchword “‘ degeneration,” which 
remains current to-day, without having even yet 
acquired any definite signification. Now it is used to 
denote the neuropathic constitution ; now, again, to 
denote the hereditary predisposition to psychoses. 
According to some this predisposition is latent, and 
manifests itself only by physical stigmata of de- 
generation ; others regard the degenerate as being 
mentally as well as physically abnormal, and as 
suffering, either before the onset of actual insanity 
or in the entire absence of the latter from mutability 
of mood and temper, obsessive ideas, moral defects, 
and one-sided intellectual endowment; yet others 
use the term ‘degeneration’ to denote a vague 
diathesis—a mingling of tendencies to disturbances 
of metabolism and to neuropathies. 

More recent French investigators distinguish be- 
tween ‘“‘higher” and “lower” degenerates, and 
include in these categories almost the entire province 
of mental disturbances, severe neuroses, and crimin- 
ality. German investigators go so far as to explain 
that most human beings are degenerates, and Moebius 
held that the repulsiveness of the majority of his 
fellow-creatures spoke in favour of this view. 

Morel, through the vagueness of his definition of 
degeneration (“ déviation maladive du type humain”), 
was himself partly to blame for the unsatisfactory 
development of the whole doctrine. He had correcily 


observed that unfavourable conditions of life—for 
example, the lack of legislative enactments for the 
protection of factory workers during the middle of the 
last century—transformed the entire outward appear- 
ance of those exposed to such conditions; but he 
failed to distinguish between inherited and acquired 
characteristics, nor did he ask himself if and how 
acquired characteristics are inherited ; and he omitted 
to determine at the outset of his inquiry what were 
the precise characteristics of the type, deviations 
from which he was recording. With the exception of 
Lombroso, those who, after Morel, dealt with the 
problem of degeneration ignored the fact that these 
problems transcend the narrow limits of pathology to 
trespass on the wider province of biology, and failed 
to see that the problems in question are those of 
human variability, of the laws of inheritance, and 
other anthropological questions. Prichard, the dis- 
tinguished ethnologist, widely regarded (in company 
with the English prison surgeons Thomson and 
Nicolson) as a predecessor of Lombroso, was the first 
to detect what is typical in the outward appearance 
of old “‘ gaol-birds,”’ and to put forward, in explana- 
tion of confirmed criminality, the conception of 
_4 moral insanity. This moral monstrosity was to be 

| regarded as correlated with the abnormal physical 

| characteristics. | 
Lombroso found it necessary again and again to 


elaborate the doctrine of moral insanity; and in the 
long-continued campaign against the misunderstand- 
ings to which his theory of the homo delinquens was 
exposed, that doctrine played a much more important 
part than Morel’s theory of degeneration. 

It is incorrect to speak of Prichard and Morel as 
predecessors of Lombroso, in a sense implying that the 
latter was influenced by either of the two former in 
the inception or development of his teachings. Just 
as little is it true of Gall, whose work was justly esti- 
mated by Lombroso as early as the year 1853, as we 
learn from his brief work on the correlation between 
sexual and cerebral development—‘ Di un fenomeno 
fisiologico commune ad alcuni nevrotteri.’’! 

1 The title given by the author, then only nineteen years of 
age, to this study of important relations of correlation, does not 
give an adequate notion of the real contents of the essay. 



Lomproso was led to formulate his doctrine of the 
criminal, not through the influence of the earlier 
workers in the same field, whose names were men- 
tioned at the end of the last chapter, but as a natural 
consequence of the idea which dominated his whole 
mental development. This leading idea—a part of 
_ the teaching of anthropological materialism—is, on 
the one hand, that a man’s mode of feeling, and 
therewith the actual conduct of his life, are deter- 
mined by his physical constitution ; and, on the other 
_ hand, that this constitution must find expression in 
\. his bodily structure. He was led to the more definite 
formulation of this idea by chance anatomical dis- 
coveries (vide Arch. ital. delle malattie nervose, and 
also R.C. dell’ Istituto Lombardo, 1871, v., fase. 18)' 

1 These two works, with two publications regarding criminal 
lunatics (1871), and the ‘‘ Antropometria di 400 delintuenti 
veneti”’ (B.C. dell’ Instituto Lombardo, fasc. 12) form the nucleus 
of his subsequent work on ‘“‘ L’ uomo delinquente.” 



in the corpses of criminals, one of which, the so-called 
“median occipital fossa,” had not been noticed by 
previous observers ; this is found in most of the 
lower mammals, as well as in many monkeys. This 
first discovery of the kind has since been supple- 
mented by a large number of others: in part such as 
were in the first instance most carefully observed by 
Lombroso and his pupils ; in part those described by 
other anthropologists as “‘theromorphs ”’; in part those 
enumerated by Darwinian naturalists as ‘‘ atavisms ”’ 
—that is, characters regarded and described as 
vestiges inherited from the prehuman ancestors of 
our species. If we compare the writings of those 
zoologists and anatomists who treat of these ques- 
tions, with those of Lombroso and his followers, we 
cannot fail to notice the complete independence of 
the Italians, and at the same time their more com- 
prehensive grasp, and their better knowledge of 
prehistoric data. The anthropologists of the Italian 
school usually went to work in the following way. 
If in examining the body of a criminal they came 
across a theromorph in any organ, or observed any 
other unusual structure, they propounded certain 
questions regarding the peculiarity, viz. : 

1. Is this peculiarity present in any of the authentic 
remains of prehistoric man, and, if so, how often is it 
met with in these, as compared with the frequency of 
its presence in the bodies of criminals? 


2. Is it met with in the lower races of man, and, 
if so, how often? (The answer to this question is 
obtained by examining the skulls, etc., of these lower 
races, to be found in Kuropean museums.) 

3. Is it found in the higher apes, and, if so, is it 
an occasional or a constant feature ? 

4. Is it found in other species of the group of 
primates ? 

5. Is it found in animals lower than these in the 
scale of classification ? 

6. Is it found in human beings presenting con- 
genital morbid anomalies ; more especially is it found 
in epileptics and in idiots ? 

It is easy to understand that such investigations 
are very laborious. In order to throw light on the 
meaning of comparatively insignificant data, ii may 
be necessary to organize most comprehensive re- 
searches. Unceasing care and indefatigability in such 
isolated observations, and in the interpretation of their 
meaning, is one of Lombroso’s highest claims to 
honour. For this reason, his books and the thirty 
volumes of his archives will remain for many decades 
to come a rich mine of discovery for anthropology, 
as soon as this science returns from the study of 
Mongols and Australians to the examination of con- 
temporary Europeans. As a result of these investi- 
gations, the fact has been established that, above 
all in the skulls and the brains of criminals, but also 


in other parts of the skeleton, in the muscles, and in 
the viscera, we find anatomical peculiarities, which 
in some cases resemble the characters of the few 
authentic remnants of the earliest prehistoric human 
beings, in other cases correspond to the characters of 
still extant lower races of mankind, and in yet others, 
correspond to the characters of some or all of the 
varieties of monkey. 

From these facts Lombroso draws a somewhat rash 
conclusion—namely, that there are born criminals, 
representing the type of mankind which existed 
before the origin of law, the family, and property, 
and that the representatives of long past conditions 
thus thrust upon our own time are incapable of 
respecting the security of life and property and other 
legal rights; but, bold as this conclusion seems, it 
has, none the less, all the qualities of a scientific 
conjecture, inasmuch as it harmonizes with all the 
known facts, and enables us to deal in an orderly and 
critical manner with the material upon which it bears. 

I leave the question open whether we are to regard 
this idea as a theory or merely as a hypothesis; but 
it is necessary to point out, in opposition to the 
obstinate assertions of Lombroso’s opponents, that 
the Italian school of anthropology has never main- 
tained the proposition that all persons who come 
before European courts of justice upon criminal 
charges, or all who are confined in the criminal 


prisons of Europe, are the unchanged descendants of 
the Neanderthal men, who hunted the cave-bear with 
stone arrows. Put as concisely as possible, the 
doctrine of the Italian school runs as follows: Born 
criminals exist, presenting typical characters, both 
bodily and mental, and they owe their peculiar 
organization to the fact that their development has 
been affected by an atavistic reversion. It is impos- 
sible here to give particulars showing the manner in 
which, in the five successive editions of ‘“‘ L’ uomo 
delinquente,’’ this conception becomes gradually more 
clearly defined. 

I may be permitted to make some further observa- 
tions regarding the nature of this atavistic reversion. 
There is not one single characteristic of the human 
anatomy which is not the product of inheritance. 
The existing type of the European mixed race 
appears to be a permanent type; or rather, owing 
to the fact that the struggle for existence of our 
time takes an almost exclusively economic form, 
and that in consequence of this the brain has re- 
ceived a preponderant importance, the present phase 
of human evolution affects the brain only (in women, 
unfortunately, as well as in men); if any other organ 
than the brain is influenced by selection in modern 
man, it is affected solely or mainly on account of its 
correlation with brain development. 

Naturally, future extensive changes in the size and 


shape of the brain will ultimately give rise to changes 
more or less extensive in neighbouring organs also, 
such as the bones of the skull, the teeth, the jaws, 
the external ear, and the upper cervical vertebre. 
But for the brief period which the individual inves- 
tigator has under his observation in the course of his 
life, the human species may approximately be 
regarded as a permanent type. Now our most 
enduring possessions in the way of bodily charac- ~ 
teristics are inherited from very remote ancestors— 
they are atavisms. The great weight of the brain, 
the upright forehead, the large facial angle, peculiar 
to the European, have been inherited by him from 
his ancestors of the historic epoch; on the. other 
hand, the number and shape of his teeth, the structure 
of his sense-organs, the arrangement of the fissures 
and convolutions of his cerebral cortex, the number 
and form of the mammary glands, the configuration 
of the upper limbs—these the European shares with 
the so-called anthropoid apes, with whom in other 
respects also he possesses a very close blood-relation- 
ship. Finally, the number of our fingers and toes, 
and the structure of the various tissues, as demon- 
strated by the microscope, are common to us and 
to the great majority of mammals; whilst innumer- 
able other physical characteristics are shared by us 
with the lower vertebrata. Thus most of our bodily 
peculiarities are derived from our prehuman ances- 


tors; they are atavisms, interesting antiquities. But 
if this be so, then the occasional appearance of one 
or two additional atavistic characters, whether these 
be derived from the men of the ice-age or from those 
of the tertiary period, or date back to the still 
undiscovered ape-men of:a yet earlier day, or to the 
half-apes, or even to our remote fish-like progenitors, 
is hardly so incredible an occurrence as to demand 
that the thunderbolts of sterile anthropometry, so 
long carefully cherished by Virchow, should be 
launched against the heretic Lombroso.* 

Modern man has freed himself from much that 
was rooted in the blood and bone of his forefathers. 
But unquestionably he has not freed himself from 
all that was so rooted, and therefore it need not 
surprise us to encounter individuals who exhibit, 
firmly fixed either in their bodily or in their mental 
organization, characteristics which in the majority 
have been weakened or have disappeared. 

Such individuals, exhibiting characters no longer 
possessed by the European permanent type, but still 
common to the most primitive extant races of man- 

1 A. Baer, one of the fiercest opponents of criminal anthro- 
pology, pushes his criticism so far as to maintain in his leading 
work “that the formation of the skull is in no way dependent 
upon that of the brain.’”’ The book, upon p. 12 of which will be 
found this monumental nonsense, is entitled by Baer ‘Der 
Verbrecher in anthropologischer Beziehung’’ (‘The Criminal 
from the Anthropological Standpoint ’’), Leipzig, 1893. 


kind, such as the Old Peruvians, the Papuans, and 
the Australian blacks, and common also to the other 
primates, are found among criminals, as Lombroso 
showed, with remarkable frequency—in fact, to the 
extent of more than 40 per cent.—and with especial 
frequency among those whose first crime is of a 
serious nature, and among those who have for many 
years been living for and by crime. 

In addition, we meet with numerous characters, 
either not atavisms, or not yet regarded as atavisms, 
but which are or may be rather of a morbid nature. 
Thus, the skull or the brain of a criminal may exhibit, 
in addition to dubious atavistic characters, certain 
morbid features or signs of past disease. It is, 
indeed, by no means improbable that a congenital 
atavistic special predisposition may only become 
active to such an extent as to lead to a criminal act 
in consequence of some superadded disease; but in 
such a case it is idle to dispute whether we have to 
do with a congenital, an insane, or an alcoholic 

If Lombroso’s teaching were based solely upon the 
examination of the skulls and brains of criminals to 
be found in European collections, its foundation 
would unquestionably be too narrow. But it is based, 
in addition, upon the anthropological examination of 
many thousands of living criminals—an examination 
quite as thorough as that carried out by an anthro- 

A ; 


pologist in the case of a savage tribe which he has 
crossed the world to study. 

The examination of living criminals cannot, of 
course, take into account the convolutions of the 
brain, or the fosse#, foramina, and processes on the 
inner surface of the skull. The first place must here 
be given to the external measurements of the head. — 

Now, as regards many of the problems of anthro- 
pology, it is left to the examiner to decide whether he 
will describe the facts he has to record by means of 
figures or ratios, or by means of a catchword descrip- 
tive of some visible peculiarity of shape or of some 
other objective fact. | 

Thus the presence of a thick bony prominence in 
the middle of the hard palate (torus palatinus) may, 
of course, be indicated by simply recording the 
numerical results of the measurements of the palate ; 
but, on the other hand, we may prefer to state that 
one man has a slightly developed torus palatinus, 
another a large torus, a third none at all, and so on. 

Another important character gives to the face, 
when seen from the front, an extremely typical shape. 
This is a great lateral extension of the malar bones, 
or, to speak more precisely, of the zygomatic arches. 
This condition may be denoted simply by the one 
word, ewrygnathism, which describes it amply and 
aptly. On the other hand, instead of employing this 
term, we may, in the case of each person examined, 


record the exact width of the face between the malar 
eminences, and note also the relation of this measure- 
ment to the width of the forehead. 

As regards characteristics of form, however, it is 
much more convenient, and at the same time conveys 
a much more vivid impression, to denote these merely 
quantitative variations, and also relations perceptible 
only through comparison, by means of a generally 
descriptive terminology, which must not, of course, 

be confused with the precise description of actual 

Employing this method, we have a lengthy register 
of crimino-anthropological characters, and in the 
following table I append a fragment of such a 

register : 


(a) Direct Cerebrogenous. 

1. Frontal submicrocephaly (expressed in the relative 
and absolute smallness of the brain, especially 
in the transverse diameter). Criminals, 41 per 

2. Narrowing of the cranio-facial angle at the base of 
the skull, leading to prognathism. 

Occurrence: In all primates, in negroes, Papuans, 
Australian blacks, ete. Criminals, 60 per cent. 

3. Receding forehead. 

Occurrence: According to Lombroso, in 19°4 per 
cent. of 4,244 criminals. According to Kurella, 
in criminals from Upper Silesia, 11 per cent. ; 
in workmen from Upper Silesia, 4 per cent. 


4. Often associated with 2 or 8. Middle occipital 

Occurrence: In all apes, in the anthropoids, in- 
cluding the gibbon. 
In the skulls of various races of mankind— 
Per cent. 
Ancient Peruvians ... vas ae ae 
Australian blacks as 28 

Skulls provided with ‘ indachy beve * ere | 
Criminals (3,200), Dorrie 16 per 

cent.) ... ap v.20 
Negroes... as se she ee S| 
Prehistoric skulls ae bea we ES 

(6) Indirect Cerebrogenous Varieties. 

1. External angular process of the frontal bone 
abnormally large. In criminals (704), 11°9 per 

2. Excessive size of orbits (exceeding the highest 
degree of Mantegazza’s scale of the index cranio- 

Per cent. 
Lombroso ... a aie jesctee 
Kurella a ty a oo Be 
(of 218 cases) 
8. Abnormal width of frontal sinuses— 
Criminals ae eth Su AE 

(of 252 cases) 
Skulls provided with ‘‘ students’ sets” 4 
4, Strongly developed superciliary ridges— 

Lombroso : 
Skulls provided with ‘‘ students’ sets’? 7 
Criminal skulls (out of 253) ives ae 

Kurella : 
Living workmen ... vs bad tire 
Living criminals... $45 See | 
Italian murderers... is we 41°97 

5. High (internal) frontal crest. The mean height 
of the frontal crest is normally 3°8 mm.; in 


criminals the mean height is}5‘4 mm, In 25 
per cent. of criminals it exceeds 7 mm., and in 
35 per cent. of these latter it is associated with 
the presence of an internal occipital fossa. 

Ne Marked Development of the Antagonism between Brain 
Development on the one hand, and Development of 
the Facial Portion of the Skull on the other, the 
latter predonunating. 

1. Strongly developed temporal crest, nearer than 
usual to the sagittal suture. 
Distance between the two temporal crests, 
measured across the sagittal suture— 

Gorilla, ve ine ey ... 0-10 
Eskimo bs 80 
Skulls provided with ms sistent’ 
sets ”” abs vice ney sank ae 
Skulls of murderers... bie roel. i 
2. Torus occipitalis— 
Per cent. 
Criminals (Lombroso’s results) ... 31°7 
Murderers (Lombroso’s results) ... 75 

3. Eurygnathism—+.e., abnormal breadth of the face 
at the level of the zygoma. This is a common 
characteristic in the oldest human remains 
(skulls from Gibraltar, Cro-Magnon, and Fur- 
fooz), and in the lower races of to-day (the 
circumpolar tribes). 

Per cent. 
Convicts sentenced for robbery with 
murder ... bi os ae 

In 1,567 criminal bande ile eat 
4, Excessive height of the upper jaw. 

This table exhibits the characters visible in the 
skull in a definite class only, those whom in my 
‘*Naturgeschichte des Verbrechers”’ (‘‘ Natural History 
of the Criminal’’) I have, with Lombroso’s approval, 


designated ‘‘primatoid.” Granted that they are 
typical of the criminal, it has none the less often 
been maintained that the Italian school is not justi- 
fied in speaking of a criminal type, for the reason 
that not one of the individuals described exhibits all 
these peculiarities. How, then, it is said, can a 
criminal type be abstracted from such utterly hetero- 
geneous abnormalities ? 

This really depends upon the possibilities of abstrac- 
tion. Academically correct anthropologists continue 
to dispute regarding the types of the most important 
races of mankind, whilst description is always pre- 
ceded by perception, and perception is not always in 
& position to comprehend the typical; he who is not 
endowed with a sense for the significant will see 
nothing but the insignificant. But there is some- 
thing extremely typical in the commonest and most 
important characteristic of the criminal nature— 
namely, the coexistence of several primatoid characters 
in the same individual. (Characters are termed 
‘‘primatoid’’ which are present in all primates, but 
which in the normal human being are developed very 
slightly—in part, indeed, so slightly developed as to 
be almost imperceptible. But in many criminals 
these peculiarities, which are chiefly physical, are 
either more strongly marked than in the normal 
European, or else they make their appearance in the 
criminal in a form in which in the normal Kuropean 



they are entirely unknown, whereas they are present 
in the members of many savage races, as well as in 
primates lower down in the scale.) 

There is one character, however, by which the 
primates in general are distinguished from the lower 
mammals, whilst in the human species it is far more 
strongly marked than in other primates; but in the 
criminal this character is often so little developed as 
hardly to reach the degree characteristic of prehistoric 
human remains. The character in question is the | 
greater development of the cranium (dependent upon 
the more powerful development of the cerebral hemi- 
spheres) in association with a lesser development of 
the jaws and their appendages. In this way the 
direct cerebrogenous characters originate; and with 
these are associated yet other characters, evidently in 
part mechanically dependent on the cerebrogenous 
characters, but in part arising from these in a 
different way. ‘To this category belongs prognathism 
—the condition in which the upper jaw protrudes 
markedly in front of the base of the skull, so that 
when the face is viewed in profile, the region of the 
incisor teeth appears very prominent. The skulls of 
the lower races of mankind are prognathous, and siill 
more prognathous are the skulls of the anthropoid 
apes. Directly associated with prognathism is another 
characteristic of the criminal type—namely, the fore- 
head which “recedes”? markedly as it rises; and 


associated with the receding forehead is a marked 
projection of the ‘‘ superciliary ridges.” 

It is well known that the two earliest known human 
skulls—that of the Neanderthal and that of Spy— 
both exhibit to a high degree the two characters last 
mentioned. If we compare with these the drawing 
in Lombroso’s “Archivio di psichiatria” ‘(vol. ii., 
1882) of the skull of Gasparone (the brigand cele- 
brated under the name of ‘ Fra Diavolo’’), we cannot 
fail to recognize a striking example of atavism. 

One of the most remarkable of these characters is 
the middle occipital fossa, first described by Lombroso, 
whose dependence upon the formation of the cere- 
bellum is still open to dispute. In any case it is a 
well-marked primatoid character, for it is present in all 
the higher primates, with the exception of the gorilla, 
- the chimpanzee, and the orang-utan. The middle 
occipital fossa was found to be present in 4:1 per cent. 
of the skulls provided with “‘ students’ sets’ that were 
examined (but it must be remembered that such skulls 
always include a certain proportion of the skulls of 
criminals). In prehistoric skulls the character was 
present in 14°3 per cent. ; in ancient Peruvian skulls 
in 15 per cent. ; in Australian blacks in 28 per cent. ; 
in all the criminal skulls examined it was present in 
20 per cent. The significance of such a fact as this 
cannot be gainsaid ; and it is not surprising that its 
discovery by Lombroso, the pupil of Panizza, made a 



profound impression, more especially in view of the 
fact that he was then about to bring to a close his 
comparison of the European with the melanodermic 

The book in which Lombroso instituted this com- 
parison, ‘‘L’ uomo bianco el’ Uomo di colore,’’ was 
published in 1871 by Sacchetto of Padua, after the 
manuscript had spent three years in vain wanderings 
from publisher to publisher. In this work the writer 
asserted the common descent of the higher apes and 
of the human species from an unknown primate, sup- 
porting his contention by means of anthropological 
data. Darwin’s ‘“‘ Descent of Man” was published 
while Lombroso’s work was in the press. The latter 
displays the remarkable knowledge of comparative 
anatomy which Lombroso owed to his teacher Panizza. 
Tt displays also a wide knowledge of ethnological 
literature, and a thorough acquaintanceship with the 
previous discoveries regarding prehistoric man (includ- 
ing those made at Cro-Magnon, Hohlenfels, ete., during 
the years 1868-1870); and it shows, in addition, the 
author’s remarkable talent for the discovery and 
utilization of fruitful analogies. 

I do not propose to consider here the various 
anomalies and malformations of the skull discovered, 
described, and enumerated by Lombroso and _ his 
pupils ; but on account of their importance in relation 
to the criminal physiognomy, we may mention that 



an abnormal widening of the face (due to an excep- 
tionally great distance between the two zygomatic 
arches), and an abnormal divergence of the two halves 
of the inferior maxillary bone, are characteristic of 
the criminal type. Subsequently to the first publica- 
tion of Lombroso’s results the question of the distance 
between the angles of the lower jaw was thoroughly 
investigated, more especially by the Dutch anthro- 
pologists and alienists, at the instigation of Winkler 
of Amsterdam, and with the aid of a very large 
quantity of material.* 

Many remarkable peculiarities in the shape of the 
skull, the origin of which cannot be referred to the 
above-mentioned antagonism between the develop- 
ment of the cranium and that of the facial portion of 
the skull, depend upon abnormalities and disturbances 
in the sequence and extent of the ossification of the 
sutures of the skull. We know that the flat bones of 
the skull-cap grow principally at the edges, with which 
they come into contact one with another, and that 
normally they continue to grow in this way as long 
as growth continues in the subjacent portions of the 
brain; but if such a suture undergoes premature 
ossification, room can only be provided for the growth 
of the brain by the yielding of one or more of the 
other sutures, whereby that diameter of the skull at 

1“ Tets over criminelle Anthropologie,” Haarlem, 1896 ; 

P. H. J. Berends, “ Henige Schedelmaten van Recruten, Mor- 
denaars, Paranoisten, Epileptici, en Imbecillen,” Nymegen, 1896, 


right angles to the yielding suture becomes increased. 
Thus a skull in which the sagittal or interparietal 
suture has undergone premature ossification (as often 
occurs in the Eskimo) assumes the shape of a narrow 
boat (scaphocephaly). 

Ié is probable that such sutural varieties are depen- 
dent upon the most diverse causes, and that in many 
cases they are not anomalies, but racial peculiarities 
or racial congenital variations, whose origin is geneti- 
cally very ancient. In the skulls of criminals 
examined for the detection of sutural abnormalities 
these have been-found in about 40 per cent., whilst 
in 1,200 living criminals the frequency was as high 
as 49 per cent. 

Among the most interesting of the sutural abnor- 
malities are the ‘‘ Wormian bones,” by which more or 
less extensive deficiencies of bone along the principal 
sutures are filled in. A Wormian bone found at the 
apex of the lambdoid suture, where this joins the pos- 
terior extremity of the sagittal suture, was first dis- 
covered in the mummies of the ancient civilized race 
of Peru, and it has therefore been named the “ Inca 
bone.” It is said that all the infant Inca mummies 
possess this bone, and that it is present in 15 to 20 
per cent. of the adult Inca remains. Italian observers 
found it in 25 per cent. of the skulls of murderers, and 
in 8 per cent. of the skulls of other criminals. 

1 The “ Inca bone”’ will be found figured in Toldt’s “ Atlas of 
Human Anatomy” (London: Rebman, Limited), p. 100, 


Certain other peculiarities of the sutures of the 
skull have received much attention from students of 
general anthropology, on account of the fact that they 
constitute distinctive racial characters; but some of 
these are met with even more frequently in the skulls 
of criminals than in ethnological specimens, although 
their appearance in these latter is considered a 
characteristic feature of normal anthropology. 

Of great interest are measurements of the cubical | 
capacity of dried skulls, and also estimates of this 
capacity, based upon measurements of the head taken 
in living criminals (although such estimates can be 
no more than approximations). Be it noted in this 
connection that the extreme recorded range of 
capacity of normal skulls is from 2,050 ¢.c. (the 
largest) to 1,050 c.c. (the smallest); the largest re- 
corded cubic capacity of skull in an anthropoid ape is 
621 e.c.; thus, the difference between the cubic 
capacity of the largest and that of the smallest human 
skull exceeds the difference between the cubic capacity 
of the smallest human skull and that of the largest 
simian skull. 

Now, collections of the skulls of criminals com- 
paratively often contain skulls with a cubic capacity 
of less that 1,100 c.c., whereas skulls as small as this 
are hardly ever met with in collections of normal 

fig. 218, where it is described as ‘‘ a large Wormian bone in the 
uppermost part of the lambdoid suture.” 


skulls; skulls ranging in cubic capacity from 1,100c.c. 
to 1,300 c.c., which in collections of normal skulls are 
found to the extent of from 6 to 10 per cent., in col- 
lections of the skulls of criminals have been present, 
in various instances, to the extent of 17°8, 18, 65°5, 
and 72°2 per cent. respectively. Skulls below the 
normal mean in cubic capacity, which in collections 
of ordinary skulls are present to the extent of from 
25 to 80 per cent., are found in the different collec- 
tions of the skulls of criminals to be present to the 
extent of from 30 to 60 per cent. To put the matter 
in a word, the criminal’s skull is often submicro- 
cephalic; it is, however, necessary to point out that 
skulls with the very largest cubic capacity, exceeding 
1,600 ¢.c., are met with twice or thrice as often among 
the skulls of criminals (although this is not true of 
the Italian collections personally known to me) as 
they are among bone-dealers’ or museum skulls. A 
somewhat similar characteristic is exhibited by all 
the criminal characters accessible to measurement. 
When the material under investigation is derived 
indifferently from the general population, the extreme 
values recorded by measurement are seldom en- 
countered. Among criminals, on the other hand, these 
extreme values occur much more frequently ; and, 
indeed, the extremely low values are encountered in 
criminals with especial frequency when the dimension 
under consideration is one which usually increases as 


we pass from lower to higher stages in the scale of 
development. For example, great breadth of the face 
across the zygomatic arches is a characteristic of 
lower development; in criminals (900 instances), 
exceptional width and exceptional narrowness of the 
face in this region occurs more frequently than in the 
general population; but this is true to a greater 
extent as regards the maximal than it is as regards 
the minimal values of this dimension of the criminal 

_— Similar relations to those which obtain with regard 
to the size of the skull are found in the bodies of 
criminals, in respect of the size, or, rather, the weight 
of the brain, since the mass of the brain must 
naturally bear a definite relationship to the cubic 
capacity of the skull. In my ‘‘ Naturgeschichte des 
Verbrechers’’ (“‘ Natural History of the Criminal ”’), 
published in 1898, I have collected the data known 
at that period, derived, for the most part, from 
Italian sources; these data relate to 805 brains 
accurately examined. To understand the results 
here given, it is necessary to remember that the 
average weight of the European brain, the mean 
resultant of a very large number of weighings, is 
1,360 grammes for males, and 1,220 grammes 
for females. A maximum very rarely exceeded 
(though it was exceeded, for example, in the case 
of Cuvier, and also in that of Tourgeniew) is a 


brain-weight of 1,800 grammes; whilst the smallest 
brain-weight known in individuals who can be re- 
garded as having possessed normal intellectual 
endowments is 960 grammes for males, and 880 
grammes for females. Among a very large number 
of normal brains, we shall find very few indeed 
weighing as little as 1,150 grammes, and a consider- 
able number weighing more than 1,500 grammes. 
On the other hand, among the total number of the 
brains of criminals that have hitherto been weighed, 
we find that brains weighing less than 1,300 grammes 
form a very considerable majority ; whereas, among 
the brains of normal individuals, less than 25 per 
cent. weigh less than 1,300 grammes. In the various 
collections of the brains of criminals, we find that 
brains weighing less than 1,300 grammes numbered, 
in one case, 62°5 per cent. (Benedikt), in a second 
case, 77 per cent. (Mingazzini), and in a third case, 
83°2 per cent. (Mondio). 

At the very time when the criminal anthropologists 
were making a thorough study of this problem, the 
anatomists (with the exception of Flesch of Wurzburg) 
and the professorial anthropologists (that is, those in 
official positions who were interested in this branch 
of knowledge) were vigorously contesting the idea 
that there was any difference between the brains of 
criminals and the so-called normal brains. All the 
more interesting, therefore, were the data communi- 


cated by Professor Johannes Ranke to the German 
Anthropological Congress at Dortmund in August, 
1902, in association with a demonstration of plaster- 
casts of the heads of decapitated Chinese criminals. 
According to Ranke, the brains of criminals show 
no structural deviation from the brains of normal 
Europeans. This was Professor Ranke’s first conten- 
tion ; but to this there succeeds a little parenthesis, 
in which he alludes to certain peculiarities in the 
conformation of the central convolutions. (So, after 
all, these brains do differ from those of Europeans !) 
Ranke is straightforward enough to describe the 
abnormalities in question, but he adds that they are 
probably to be regarded as racial peculiarities. He 
gives no grounds whatever for this view, but he 
prefers to drag in an ethnological hypothesis of this 
kind rather than to commit himself to the heresy 
that the brains of criminals exhibit peculiarities ; the 
abnormalities must be labelled ‘‘ ethnological,’’ lest 
they should fall a prize to the heretical school of 

On the other hand, in the same address (1902), 
Ranke laid stress on the fact that among the brains 
of criminals there is a preponderance of exceptionally 
large and of abnormally small brains, and also that 
among the skulls of criminals there is, similarly, 
a marked preponderance of extremely large and 
extremely small skulls—a fact which he might have 


ascertained as long ago as 1893 from a study of 
the very numerous tables of measurements and 
weights published in my “ Natural History of the 

Finally, in other portions of his address, Ranke 
approximates even more closely to the ‘‘ heresies” 
of criminal anthropology. He insists on the need for 
a careful study of the brains of criminals, and he 
points out that there are two questions to which 
especial attention should be paid in future investi- 
gations of this kind. The first of these is the question 
whether the possessor of a brain of medium size does 
not exhibit less inclination to crime than one whose 
brain is either excessively large or excessively small ; 
and the second is the question whether, perhaps, 
certain intellectual abnormalities, which readily lead 
to criminal practices, may not depend upon a partial 
microcephaly—that is to say, is it not possible that in 
certain sharply circumscribed portions of the brain, 
during intra-uterine life, there may have developed 
certain abnormalities corresponding to those charac- 
teristic of microcephaly? According to Ranke, it is 
always possible that an indirect connection exists 
between the so-called stenocrotaphy (narrowing of 
the skull in the temporal region) and the criminal 
tendency, in so far as, in consequence of the said 
narrowing of the skull, those nervous centres by 
whose activity automatism is kept within bounds may 


have their development partially arrested or may in 
some other way be sympathetically affected. 

In these remarks we find, in the first place, a 
reference (although one less clear than many re- 
corded demonstrations of Lombroso’s teachings) to 
the law in accordance with which extreme dimensions 
of physical characteristics occur in criminals with 
especial frequency ; and, in the second place, in the — 
theoretical portion of Ranke’s utterances we encounter 
the fundamental notion of criminal anthropology, 
which is that the lower organization of criminals, 
standing nearer to the lower animals than that of 
normal men, predisposes the former to the com- 
mission of criminal acts; and more especially that 
in the criminal’s skull there is no room for a brain 
able to hold the feelings (or, in physiological par- 
lance, the inhibitory apparatus) requisite to induce 
normal social behaviour. 1 have devoted consider- 
able space to this address of Ranke’s because it shows 
how convincing are these basic ideas of criminal 
anthropology, and how irresistibly they are associated 
with an anthropological mode of study of this social 
group. But how remarkable it is that, through a 
study of the brains of Chinese criminals, a recog- 
nition of the truth of Lombroso’s doctrines should 
first dawn upon a German professor of established 
reputation ! 

The study of the brains of criminals subsequently 


moved. in two directions: whereas Benedikt, the 
talented and original Viennese investigator, and after 
him a number of Italian investigators, studied the 
fissures and sulci by which the surface of the human 
brain is divided into convolutions in such a remark- 
able manner; during the years 1894 to 1900, the more 
limited circle of Lombroso and his immediate pupils 
was engaged in the study of atavistic anomalies, and 
of those more delicate peculiarities of the intimate 
structure of the brain which can be demonstrated 
only with the aid of the microscope. 

Moreover, the study of the convolutions in the 
brains of criminals has led to the discovery of a 
number of characters which may be regarded as 
atavistic. Most of these are primatoid varieties— 
that is to say, either they are manifestations of an 
abnormally slight development of those peculiarities 
of the convolutions by which the members of the 
human species are distinguished from the other 
primates, or else they are characters which are not 
normally found in human beings at all, although 
they exist normally in other primates. In a tabular 
comparison of the differences between the human 
and the simian brain, we observe that these differ- 
ences are precisely those in respect of which the 
deviations of the criminal brain from the normal 
human type of brain are also manifested. 

In other words, the human brain is an advanced 


type of the brain of the primates in general, but in 
the brain of the criminal the resemblances to the 
simian type are much more strongly marked. 

It is, indeed, quite impossible to explain the 
abnormal moral and social behaviour of the criminal 
with reference merely to the abnormal configuration 
of the criminal’s cerebral convolutions. Perhaps the 
human contemporaries of the cave-bear in Hurope 
possessed a brain, and, mutatis mutandis, exhibited in 
many respects a mode of life analogous to that of 
the modern Sardinian bandit, of the London street 
arab, the voyou of Montmartre, or the fugitive from 
the Siberian mines. But in the Stone Age there 
existed no economically developed society upon which 
our paleolithic progenitor could become parasitic. 
We know almost nothing about post-glacial man. 
It may be possible at some future date, from a chart 
of the surface of the brain, to deduce the social 
characteristics of the race; but, although at present 
this deduction remains beyond our powers—and _per- 
haps will never become easy—the primatoid character 
of the cerebral convolutions of the criminal possesses, 
none the less, a profound anthropological significance. 
No ethnologist is able from an examination of the 
convolutions of a Greenlander’s brain to deduce the 
national characteristics of the race to which the pos- 
sessor of the brain belonged; but, nevertheless, 
when we see a brain with certain characteristics we 


are able to declare it to be the brain of a Green- 

The interesting discoveries of Roncoroni, regarding 
the peculiarities of certain cells of the cerebral cortex 
in criminals, though widely discredited at first, have 
been subsequently confirmed by Pelizzi. In this case 
also it appears that we have to do with atavism 
(Pelizzi, ‘‘ Idiozia ed Epilessia,’’ Arch. di psichiatria, 

900, p. 409). 

~ Not only in the skulls and brains of criminals, but 

~ also in almost all their other organs, we find abnor- 
malities with greater average frequency than among 
the general population, and this is especially true of 
rudimentary organs, those which constitute the 
majority of the so-called secondary and tertiary 
sexual characters. Many of these abnormalities may 
be regarded as primatoid or atavistic; others appear 

1 Certain peculiarities are discoverable in the brains of 
criminals which are not yet explicable on comparative ana- 
tomical considerations. I have described these as atypical, and 
in my “ Natural History of the Criminal” I have collected and 
discussed them. Since the date of publication of this work 
(1898) only one extensive investigation of the brains of 
criminals has been undertaken, and in this the number of brains 
dealt with was about equal to the number examined in all the 
previous investigations put together. In so far as it furnishes 
any new particulars, this investigation confirms the doctrine of 
criminal anthropology, a fact of especial interest for the reason 
that the brains examined were chiefly those of women (Leggi- 
ardi-Laura, Rivista di sc. biologiche, ii., 4-5, 1900; cbid., Giorn. 
de le R. Accademia di Torino, 1900, fase. 5). 


to be mainly dependent upon disturbance or arrest of 
development. All alike, in so far as they are not 
merely characters acquired during the lifetime of the 
individual, give the impression that the criminal is a 
being whose humanity is not completely developed. 
This does not exclude the fact that the criminal him- 
self, in the light of his own peculiar valuation of 
social and legal value, is apt to be firmly convinced 
that his is a superman. 

This arrest at an earlier stage of development gives 
rise, in respect of numerous traits, to an approxima- 
tion in the ‘‘ criminal type’ to the characteristics of 
one or other of the extant savage races of mankind— 
races such as the Australian, etc., which, owing to 
prolonged isolation from other types and, possibly, 
also to less rigorous selection and therefore less 
marked differentiation, in consequence of a less severe 
struggle for existence, have been able for thousands 
of years to retain their primitive characteristics. 

We are, however, compelled to assume that many 
savage races have been unable to raise themselves 
above their present low level of intellectual, economic, 
and social culture, not merely on account of the 
slighter operation of the factors of differentiation, but 
also on account of an inferior innate developmental 
capacity. In philosophical terminology we should 
perhaps therefore say that the world of crime recruits 
itself from among the number of the less-developed 


individuals of the nation concerned; for it is an 
obvious deduction from the law of organic varia- 
bility that among all the individuals born as 
members of any civilized race there should be 
some who are congenitally incapacitated to attain 
the normal mean level of development peculiar to 
that race. | 

It is not proposed to deal here at any length with 
the innumerable anthropological characteristics of 
criminals other than those found in the skull and the 
brain, but the physiognomically important characters 
deserve separate notice. 

Like all rudimentary organs (organs, that is to 
say, which continue to be transmitted in the absence 
of any discoverable physiological function), the 
external ear (pinna, or auricle) exhibits all possible 
variations. Among these variations, two only appear 
to be of importance in relation to criminal anthro- 
pology—viz., the handle-shaped and projecting ear 
(German Henkelohr) and the Darwinian tipped ear, 
which are met with comparatively often in criminals, 
the former being found in 328 among 1,568 criminals 
examined, and the latter in 189 out of 1,187; rare in 

1 The ear-point, or tubercle of Darwin, is a small prominence 
on the edge of the helix, an atavistic vestige of the former point 
of the ear. It is sometimes called Woolmer’s tip, Darwin’s 
attention having been drawn to this prominence by the sculptor 

Woolner (Toldt’s “‘ Atlas of Human Anatomy,” London, Rebman, 


comparison with these is the so-called Morel’s ear, in 
which the external margin of the auricle (the helix) is 
not folded upon itself. Morel’s ear is a sign of a con- 
genital tendency to severe nervous troubles, and it is 
a remarkable fact that this character is common in 

According to my own observations, in addition to 
the two abnormalities in the shape of the external ear 
already mentioned, we sometimes find in criminals 
other strongly marked malformations of the ear; and 
as in the case of other abnormal characters in 
criminals, so also in the case of those of the ear, the 
anomalies are met with more frequently in proportion 
as the crime for which the man was condemned was 
grave in character, and in proportion also to the 
intensity with which the criminal tendency has been 
manifested in the course of life. 

The length of the auricle is also subject to great 
variations in criminals. In Europeans the normal 
length of the ear lies between 51 and 60 millimetres 
(2 and 2°36 inches) ; it is longer than this in Mongols 
and Indians, shorter in Malays, Papuans, and 
Australians ; shortest in Nubians, Negroes, and Bush- 
men. In this respect also (?.e.,in the greater range of 
variation) criminals resemble savage races rather than 
civilized. According to the measurements of Frigerio, 
great length of the external ear is in thieves and 
robbers even more characteristic than great length of 


fingers, which latter, however, is also something more 
than proverbial merely.* 

If we endeavour to combine the physiognomical 
peculiarities of the criminal type with the data of 
anthropological investigation, we obtain a somewhat 
monotonous picture in widely different climates, not- 
withstanding the fact that it is not permissible to 
speak of a perfectly uniform type. The reason why 
this is impossible is one to which I have already 
alluded more than once—namely, the fact that the 
extreme cases, very great or very small values of 
linear dimensions, surfaces, and weights, of the 
human body and its parts, are encountered far more 
frequently among the inmates of our great prisons 
than they are among an equivalent number of 
non-criminals; for example, among several hundred 
factory employés, soldiers, emigrants—in a word, any 
other category of mankind. It must not, however, 
be supposed that what we find is, in one-half of the 
criminals we examine, that everything is too large, 
and in the other half, that everything is too small. 
What we, find is: one dimension too large, and 
another dimension too small, side by side in the same 
individual. An extremely common combination is: 
too small a cranium, with jaws unduly large; beard 

1 The Germans speak of thieves as being langfingerig, “‘ long- 

fingered,’ in the same sense in which we in England speak of 
them as “ light-fingered.”—-TRaNnSLATOR. 



too scanty; ears too large. As regards an immediate 
general impression, and on superficial observation, 
there can be no question of a “‘type.’’ The type 
first becomes manifest as a result of intimate study. 
Anthropometrically, the criminal type represents the 
extreme values; zoologically, it represents the 
primatoid characters; developmentally, cases of in- 
complete development, such as are found here and 
there in all nationalities. Such is the meaning of 
the doctrine of the criminal type, which, intentionally 
or unintentionally, has been continually misunder- 

In respect of an immediate general impression, a 
well-marked example of the criminal type attracts 
attention less by the expression of the face than by 
the permanent structural peculiarities of the skull 
and the face, more especially the smallness of the 
skull as a whole or in the frontal region, the receding 
forehead, the large frontal sinuses, prognathism of 
the upper jaw, and massiveness of the lower jaw, 
prominent malar bones, and all kinds of anomalies 
in the shape of the skull. The large, pale face is 
often very striking, with scanty beard, thick, usually 
dark, hair, and large projecting ears. The nose is 
commonly long and straight; in some cases it is 
bulky, with a wide, ill-defined bridge. A well-formed, — 
symmetrical nose is extremely rare in the criminal 
type. Asymmetry of the face and a crooked nose are 


so typical that realistic painters, from the period of 
the Early Renascence down to the days of modern 
naturalism, depict these peculiarities whenever they 
are painting rascals, vagabonds, executioners, con- 
demned criminals, and the like. I may mention, 
more especially, Goya, Gavarni, Géricault, Canon, 
Wiertz, Leibl, etc. In Géricault’s drawing, ‘‘ Téte 
d’un Supplicie ” (‘‘ Head of an Executed Criminal ”’), 
the asymmetry of the nose is very clearly repre- 
sented; whilst the broad, deeply-furrowed face, the 
thin moustache, the narrow and receding forehead 
with prominent superciliary ridges, the prominent 
cheek-bones, the heavy lower jaw, and the irregular 
teeth, combine to constitute the complete criminal 

The physiognomy of the criminal is naturally 
dominated by the traces left on the face by the 
habitual modes of expression. Youthful criminals 
have, for the most part, a dull or a frivolous appear- 
ance. The life of crime when they are free, and the 
prison life when they are not free, combine to produce 
a permanent imprint of anger and obstinacy, cunning 
and hypocrisy. Obstinacy and anger are often ex- 
pressed by a permanent compression of the lips, 
marked wrinkling of the forehead, and a wild look in 
the eyes. This last, quite by itself, often suffices to 
betray the criminal nature, especially in the faces of } 


Elderly criminals often lose the energetic expansive 
expression, which during prolonged periods of con- 
finement they have endeavoured to transform into a 
submissive mien—often, however, with but partial 
success, resulting in a peculiar form of the super- 
ciliary arches, which assume the appearance of an S 
lying on the side. In others, the dominant brutality 
is marked by a one-sided grin, or by restless facial 
movements. Lombroso made some valuable observa- 
tions regarding the peculiar look of the criminal, 
which he often demonstrated to me personally. The 
cold, wild glance of the murderer, and the restless 
glance of the thief, are unmistakable. The cheat and 
the chevaher d’industrie (sharper), attempting to play 
the man of integrity or the loyal soul, betray them- 
selves by their piercing glances. Very great rest- 
lessness of the glance, to a degree verging on the 
pathological, is often seen in murderers, alternating 
with a cold, glassy, fixed stare. In the mouth may 
be observed all shades of cruelty and defiance; the 
fawning smile of the poisoner and of the homosexual 
prostitute is a very common appearance. In the 
deeply-wrinkled face of elderly criminals, Lombroso’s 
pupil, Ottolenghi, was the first to discover a re- 
markable furrow, extending across the middle of 
the cheek at the level of the angle of the mouth. I 
have rarely seen it outside the prison walls, but 
have found it with notable frequency in the con- 





victs of Upper Silesia. Lombroso has named it the 
ride du vice. 

In this chapter I have simply attempted to give a 
sketch of the data of criminal anthropology. In view 
of the extensive material already available, collected 
by numerous observers whose methods often differ, 
a scientifically adequate exposition of these data is 
by no means easy. It gives little satisfaction to learn 
from tabular statements that such and such char- 
acters occur with such and such frequency. What 
we want to know is, what proportion of criminals in 
general exhibit characters of this kind, and how 
many of such characters may be assembled in a 
single individual. 

From 5,000 cases described in the literature of 
the subject, for the most part by Lombroso himself 
or by his immediate pupils, I have selected those 
cases in which the individual had been carefully 
examined, in which his life-history was thoroughly 
known, and in which mental disorder could be ex- 
cluded: these numbered 800. I compared them with 
the cases studied by myself in the prisons of Upper 
Silesia, whose records were accessible to me; from 
these also I excluded several dozen as idiots or 


The material being thus rigorously sifted, very care- 
fully analyzed, and consisting exclusively of criminals, 
it was then tabulated. The results obtained were 
briefly the following : 

There were present 

Per Cent. 
At least one cerebrogenous character in ... PG. 
Frontal microcephaly in... ae Oa 
Three or more cerebrogenous ehachohenss in seat Cae 
Primatoid characters in... oo ... 100 
Three or more primatoid charachars't Mi wakes Se 
Primatoid characters in the brain (post mortem) AT 
Varieties of the pinnain ... ve MOD 
More than three characters of aay of the above 
kindsin ... 77 
More than five eapgotnen: of ane ee thie above 
kindsin ... ses ni ae De AOE 

From this we learn that among those repeatedly 
convicted of serious crime in Western and Middle 
Europe, no less than 60 per cent. exhibit several 
distinctive characters, indicating the existence of an 
abnormal congenital predisposition. 



In the first fierce campaign against criminal anthro- 
pology two objections are repeatedly encountered. 
One of these points out the absence of distinctive 
anthropological characters in female criminals; the 
other contests the conceivability of the anthropo- 
logical unity of a social group whose sole link of 
union consists of a concept so variable in time and 
place as is the concept of crime. 

The latter of these two objections was, of course, 
controverted by Lombroso in part on purely concep- 
tual grounds; but in addition to this he has shown 
that the criminal group in which the idea of crime 
is so relative that the criminal of yesterday may 
be the judge to-day, whilst the judge of yesterday 
may to-day be the criminal—to wit, the category of 
political criminals—he has shown that this criminal 
group may, with a little criticism, readily be resolved 

into geniuses, enthusiasts, fools, rogues (and, finally, 


the crowd these carry along with and after them); 
and that in every revolution—even the most desirable 
one—old-established professional rascality and newly- 
awakened cruelty find a most suitable field for the 
display of their dangerous attributes. By means of 
the study of a large number of regicides, and also 
that of the most notable personalities of the French 
Revolution at the end of the eighteenth century, of 
the fight for Italian unity, the uprising of the Paris 
Commune, and the Russian terrorism of our own day, 
he demonstrates this truth beyond dispute. 

The other objection, regarding the lack of distinc- 
tive anthropological characters in female offenders, 
demanded for its answer very comprehensive studies 
in a previously neglected field ; these researches were 
undertaken in co-operation with G. Ferrero, and 
resulted in the publication in 1893 of the widely 
read work on ‘‘ Woman as Criminal and Prostitute.’’! 

The Introduction to this book, 180 pages in length, 
appears to me to be the most interesting and remark- 
able piece of work Lombroso ever issued. Even his 
opponents never denied his all-embracing culture and 
extraordinarily wide reading, nor his brilliant intuitive 
powers and bold faculty for combination; on the 
other hand, his most zealous advocates and adherents 
have always complained of his obvious neglect of 
critical examination of his sources of information, 

1 “Ta Donna Delinquente, la Prostituta, e la Donna Normale.” 


of analytical treatment and systematic arrangement 
of his material, and of comprehensive presentation 
and definitive architectonic. But nowhere else are 
his merits so strikingly manifest, and nowhere else 
are his defects less conspicuous, than they are in 
this-brilliant description of the biological and physio- 
logical characteristics of woman and accurate survey 
of the differences between the sexes. In part, indeed, 
the work under consideration may owe its conspicuous 
merits in point of style and arrangement to the fact 
that Lombroso’s own deficiencies in these respects 
were supplemented by the assistance of his collaborator 
and subsequent son-in-law, G. Ferrero, the author of 
the celebrated “History of the Roman Empire.” 
However this may be, Lombroso in this work pene- 
trates deeply into the science of general biology, and 
endeavours, having regard to the characters found by 
him to differentiate woman from man, to formulate a 
comprehensive law of sexual differentiation in general. 

He refers this differentiation to the fact that the 
whole organization of woman is predestined to mother- 
hood, and to the fact that any other professional 
activity of whatever kind is hardly possible to her, 
or, if possible, only on account of an abnormal and 
degenerative predisposition. 

With this dominant position of motherhood in 
woman he correlates also two facts of great importance 
in the anthropology of the female offender. The first 


of these is the much lesser variability of women,* 
owing to which women in general exhibit less marked 
special differentiation than men; consequently such 
deviations from type as do occur in women are far 
more significant than similar deviations occurring in 
men, and therefore in women very great importance 
must be attached even to isolated theromorphs. The 
second fundamental fact is the lesser general sensi- 
bility and lesser sensibility to pain of women as 
compared with men. 

Both these phenomena of sexual differentiation are 
more strongly marked among civilized races than 
they are among savages. Thus, according to Lom- 
broso’s investigations, the female skull, especially in 
the civilized races, resembles rather the skull of the 
child than that of the adult male, and this is especially 
the case as regards its frontal and facial portions. 

Lombroso made an exhaustive study of the problem 
of the origin of the greater development of sympathy 
in the female sex, and discussed how, notwithstanding 
this fact, the frequent tendency to cruelty in women 
can be explained: he sees in this one of those con- 
trasts which are common in the sphere of the 
emotional life, but which, with progress in civilization, 
tend to disappear, owing to the development of 

1 Havelock Ellis confirms this statement, as the result of a 

most laborious investigation (“Man and Woman,” 4th edition, 
London, 1904, chap. xvi, and appendix). 


sympathetic feelings. The rest of the emotional life 
of woman is also adapted to her profession of mother- 
hood; and this is true, above all, of the sexual feelings, 
which thus seem to be constructed almost entirely 
upon a “masochistic ’’ basis. Strong erotic feelings, 
when they do occur in women, are, according to Lom- 7 
broso, an approximation to the masculine type; they 
are, that is to say, abnormal in women. In respect 
to moral development, he regards woman as inferior 
to man. ‘‘ We cannot, indeed, say that woman dis- 
plays to the same degree as the child the lineaments 
of moral idiocy, for she is saved from this by her 
endowment with maternal love and with sympathy. 
Fundamentally, however, woman remains non-moral, 
and this often precisely in consequence of her 
sympathy. She exhibits numerous traits of character 

. . which prevent her from approaching to the same 
degree as man that balance between rights and duties, 
between egoism and altruism, which is the ultimate 
goal of moral development.” 

By means of historical and ethnological data, the 
importance of which, notwithstanding the criticism 
of Westermarck, has not been shaken, Lombroso 
endeavours to prove that during the long ages of the 
life of prehistoric humanity certain conditions were 
generally dominant in the sexual life which are now 
regarded as constituting prostitution—that is to say, 
he considers that prostitution and prostitutes at the 


present day are reversionary or atavistic phenomena. 
The intimate description given by Lombroso of the 
psychical life of the prostitute has notably contributed 
to our interpretation of prostitution in the atavistic 
sense. This explains why it is that among prosti- 
tutes the criminal type is found more frequently and 
more markedly than it is even among female criminals. 

Thus, for Lombroso, the prostitute, even more than 
the homicidal robber, is the genuine typical repre- 
sentative, the prototype, of criminality—the counter- 
part of the male major criminal; and in social 
co-operation with the latter, the prostitute gives rise 
to the institution of soutenage.? 

1 Aschaffenburg also writes : “I believe that in some instances 
we are entitled to regard the prostitute as the equivalent of the 
criminal; but, notwithstanding this, I believe thatthe complement 
to the prostitute is to be looked for, not in the thief, the pickpocket, 
or the forger, but rather in the beggar and the vagrant.” 

TRANSLATOR’s Notz.—Lombroso’s views regarding the prosti- 
tute are disputed by many who accept the greater part of his 
teachings in the matter of criminal anthropology. Prostitution is 
largely a socially-caused phenomenon, and therefore prostitutes, 
in so far as they are the complements of criminals will be mainly 
complementary to socially-caused and occasional ‘‘ criminals,”’ 
not to habitual and instinctive criminals. Thus, Bloch (‘‘The 
Sexual Life of Our Time,” London, Rebman, Ltd., 1909, p. 401), 
while admitting that the world of crime is very near to that of 
prostitution—because the prostitute has need of a man to whom 
she is not simply a chattel, to whom she can be something from 
the personal point of view, and also because she shares with the 
criminal the life of the social pariah—goes on to say: “ Lom- 
broso’s doctrine that prostitution is throughout equivalent to 
criminality is certainly not justified. It is only by the outward 
circumstances of their life that the bulk of prostitutes are driven 



The world of feminine crime, in so far as it is not 
allied to prostitution, is regarded by Lombroso as 
constituted only to a very slight extent of true 
criminal natures: ‘‘ A small group of women, marked 
with very severe stigmata of degeneration, almost 
more numerous than such stigmata are in male 
criminal types, is sharply distinguished from the 
great majority of women criminals, who exhibit few 
and uncertain stigmata of degeneration ; similarly, 
from the psychological standpoint, we have to dis- 
tinguish from the great mass of female criminals a 
small group of women in whom we recognize more 
severe and more unnatural moral anomalies than are 
met with in male criminals. The ordinary woman 
criminal has usually been lured to crime, either by 
hetero-suggestion or by very powerful temptation, 
and her moral sense will often be found to be un- 
impaired, or, at any rate, not entirely destroyed.” 

In other words, women criminals—who in civilized 
countries are only from one-fifth to one-tenth as 
numerous as men criminals!—are, as a rule, criminals 
by passion or occasional criminals. A woman of the 
genuinely criminal type is either at the same time a 
prostitute as well as a criminal, or else—if her social 

into intimate relations with criminality.” For a careful con- 
sideration of the pros and cons of this profoundly important 
question, with reference to leading authorities, see Havelock 
Ellis, “ Sex in Relation to Society,” pp. 266-269. 

1 In Germany in the year 1899 (‘Statistik des Deutschen 
Reichs,” vol. xxxii., II., 50-65), for every 100 men condemned 


position has saved her from becoming a professional 
prostitute—she exhibits a marked anthropological and 
psychological similarity to a prostitute. 

By reference to a large number of cases personally 
examined by himself, and with the aid of extensive 
statistical material, Lombroso endeavours to establish 
the thesis that, as a general rule, female delinquents 
come under the ban of the penal law, either from 
affective causes (criminals by passion) or else from 
the pressure of unfavourable economic circumstances 
or other external conditions (occasional criminals) ; 
that their offences are for the most part the outcome 
of a normal feminine psychical life, and are in no 
respect the product of emotional or moral abnormality ; 
that alike in the general conduct of their life and in 
the particular offences for which they have been con- 

for the offences specified below, there were of women convicted 
of the like offence : 

Crime and misdemeanour in general ... aba | 
Breaches of the peace... SG th shes: ane 
Perjury... bee aie ayn sin sou.) eS 
False accusation ... 4a v3 bes .. 85°38 
Procurement sie ee ‘ss obs ... 1646 
Procuring abortion a5 Be se ... 875°9 
Infant exposure ... es on ve ... 400°0 
Fraud wae ee sae avd me = CEM 3 
Injury to property nak an Hes mies 60 
Simple assault ... Bud ay auth ee Die 
Aggravated assault ie ae op ie 79 
Petty larceny ais ig +h Th sien eee 

Major thefts ula ips vin ia ovo) * RBS 


demned we can trace the characteristic lineaments of 
the womanly nature; that above all, in the majority 
of them, the mother-sense is in no way diminished, 
or if diminished, only to a very trifling degree, and 
that an increase of the sexual impulse is in them 
hardly ever demonstrable. 

He then goes on to prove, by the examination of an 
extensive material, which he has subjected to a most 
careful analysis, that prostitutes and genuinely 
criminal feminine types (‘‘rea nata’’) are charac- 
terized by an utter lack of the mother-sense; that in 
women condemned for major crimes an increased 
sexual impulse is almost invariably present, and that 
this fact notably contributes to their criminal develop- 
ment; whereas prostitutes are, as a rule, conspicuous 
for sexual frigidity, and from childhood onwards are 
characterized by a lack of the sense of shame. 

The case-histories, of which the book contains an 
abundance, show, indeed, that genuine women 
criminals are endowed with the same fundamental 
peculiarities which Lombroso has so fully described 
in male criminals, and the prostitute is exhibited 
no more than as a slightly divergent variety of the 
woman criminal; but the peculiar part which the 
female sexual life and the endowment of the woman 
criminal with the attributes of motherhood play in 
her psychology, give to the general picture of the 
female criminal certain peculiarities which justify a 
separate treatment of feminine criminal psychology. 


This thesis of LLombroso’s, that among women 
criminals the number of genuinely criminal types is 
small, whilst the number of occasional criminals is 
very large, is supported by the following considera- 
tions (quoted by him in the book we are now studying). 
Some years before the publication of ‘‘La donna 
delinquente,” an anthropological investigation under- 
taken in prisons for women by other authors showed 
that in women the various characters commonly found 
in male criminals were less frequently present. 
Varieties of the skull and of the external ear, abnor- 
malities of dentition, of the growth of the hair, etc., 
were found only in from 10 to 20 per cent. of female 
prisoners, as compared with 40 to 60 per cent. of 
male prisoners, whereas the well-marked ‘criminal 
characteristics” are actually more frequently present 
in prostitutes than they are in male criminals. 

Another important objection to Lombroso’s views 
on the nature of the criminal is answered in his work 
on political crime and revolutions. 

The very title of this book, “‘ Il delitto politico e le 
revoluzioni’’ (Bocca, Turin), shows that Lombroso, 
whose investigations had hitherto been concerned 
with the criminal only, not with crime itself, was now 
working in a wider field. Although in this book the 
sections dealing with the individual factors of political 
crime, and the descriptions of the criminaloid, de- 
generate, and mentally-disordered protagonists of 


political disturbance, are the fullest and at the same 
time the most successful ; none the less, Lombroso’s 
investigations into the historical nature of revolutions 
and revolts, and his explanation of their etiology, 
deserve our consideration, and in many cases our 

Unquestionably, this is a field of ideas to which 
& positive mode of treatment is especially applicable ; 
and in this portion of his work Lombroso has utilized 
with profit and ability, and not seldom with true 
genius, the method of Buckle and the conceptions of 
the doctrine of evolution. 

Occasionally, indeed, we cannot fail to notice the 
lack of adequate criticism of his sources of informa- 
tion, and that too often he has failed to refer on his 
own account to the ultimate sources. We can excuse 
him for accepting the authority of Mommsen, Grote, 
and Curtius, when he is compiling a statistical survey 
of the political disturbances of the ancient world; but 
when he came to study the great French Revolution, 
it was certainly unwise to accept Taine as an authority. 
He has no lack of sources of information regarding 
more recent history; above all, as regards the Paris 
Commune, the still enduring epidemic of assassina- 
tions and attempted assassinations of Kings and 
Presidents, as regards Russian nihilism, anarchism, 
and the revolts and revolutions in the Central and 

‘South American Republics—all these provide him 


with a veritable superfluity of material for the study 
of the etiology and psychical anthropology of revolu- 
tions and revolts. In the chapters based upon such 
information as this the treatment often assumes a 
merely anecdotal form, which will induce in many 
readers a critical frame of mind, although the 
majority will find this portion also of the book alike 
stimulating and interesting; and, indeed, we must 
not forget that a thorough study and elucidation of 
the peculiar individual factors of political disturbances 
is hardly possible in default of the description of an 
abundance of individual traits. Thus, we read that 
Most exhibits the following ‘stigmata of degenera- 
tion”: “repulsive ugliness, an asymmetrical and 
enormous upper jaw, the eyes of a toad, flaccid skin.” 
Or we are told of the misdeeds of the Communard, 
Allix, and are then informed that ‘‘ he had invented a 
telegraph, based upon the reciprocal sympathy of 
twenty-four pairs of snails, each pair representing a 
single letter of the alphabet.” 

Lombroso begins his demonstration with a purely 
psychological study; he describes the origin and 
effect of an impulsive tendency, deeply rooted in 
human nature, to which he gives the name of 
‘*misoneism ”’ (hatred of novelty).1 In the wounding 

1 Compare Walter Bagehot’s phrase, “the pain of a new 
idea,”’ which will be found in his brilliant little volume on 
‘Physics and Politics ” (p. 168).—TRANSLATOR. 


of this misoneism he sees the essence of political 
crime, in the glorious defeat of this sentiment, which 
opposes itself to the most necessary progress, to the 
very being of social evolution. Thus the political 
criminal appears on the one hand as a transgressor 
against the most legitimate, and organically the most 
deeply rooted, social tendency of human nature, and, 
on the other hand (and simultaneously), as the prime 
advocate of every advance in civilization. 

Misoneism has its roots deep in the organic life, 
and is merely the expression in the social sphere of 
vis inertie in the physical. For this reason it is most 
powerful, not where it has made its appearance in 

1 Compare also Havelock Ellis, ‘‘ Studies in the Psychology 
of Sex,” vol. vi., “‘Sex in Relation to Society,” where this 
fundamental and profoundly important paradox is most thought- 
fully expounded. After explaining the difference between 
traditional morality and ideal morality, the former being 
concerned with the accepted standards of social conduct, the 
latter embodying an attempt to reform those standards, and 
showing how the two moralities are of necessity opposed each to 
the other, Ellis goes on to say (op. cit., p. 368) : ‘‘ We have to 
remember that they are both equally sound and equally indis- 
pensable, not only to those who accept them, but to the 
community which they continue to hold in vital theoretical 
balance. We have seen them both, for instance, applied to the 
question of prostitution; traditional morality defends prostitu- 
tion, not for its own sake, but for the sake of the marriage 
system, which it regards as sufficiently precious to be worth a 
sacrifice, while ideal morality refuses to accept the necessity of 
prostitution, and looks forward to progressive changes in the 
marriage system which will modify and diminish prostitution.” 


consciousness, or has been erected into a system of 
conservative principles, but where it is dominant 
without those guided by this sentiment being aware 
of the fact; indeed, it is most effective precisely 
where, in theory and in all good faith, people aim at 
progress. Thus Lombroso finds the most intensive 
misoneism among the French, ‘‘ who prefer the 
novelty of innovation, who have always loved rather 
the stormy movement of revolution than its useful 
results . . . for everything novel that the French 
take to their bosoms must be of such a kind that it 
does not disturb them in their habitudes. They 
gladly change their fashions, their ministers of state, 
and their external forms of government, but continue 
to cling all the while to Druidism and Cesarism.”’ 
Inasmuch, therefore, as any and every advance in 
the condition of humanity can be effected only very 
slowly, and in the face of opposition both from within 
and from without, and in view of the fact that human 
society instinctively clings to what is old-established, 
Lombroso draws the conclusion that efforts towards 
progress, characterized by rapid and violent means, 
are in their very nature abnormal. Even if for an 
oppressed minority such methods are inevitable, they 
are still antisocial in their nature—that is to. Say, 
they are criminal in character, and often uselessly 
criminal, because they incite misoneism to bring 
about a reaction, which will carry things back past 


the original starting-point. If any innovation is to 
be adopted, even if in its nature it is unquestionably 
progressive, it must come quite slowly, and after long 
preparation. We see this fact quite as clearly in science 
and in the practical arts as we do in public life. 
Every step out of the beaten path, every innovation 
which does not correspond to a generally felt need, 
and which has not had the way prepared for it by the 
establishment of a new tradition, is an assault upon 
the power of misoneism; and in the eyes of those— 
and they form the great majority—who cling to all 
that is old-established, such an assault demands the 
application of the penal law. 

But there have been successful revolutions. How 
shall we, at the outset, distinguish from these, mere 
frivolous attacks upon the inevitable inertia of social 
life? Lombroso’s book endeavours to find an answer 
to this question by means of the anthropological 
(physical and psychical) study of revolutionaries, and 
by means of a special statistical examination of the 
historical material, in search of certain factors inde- 
pendent of the individual human being. The answer 
is expressed in the terms of “ cosmic determinism.” 

We cannot fully understand the matter and the 
manner of this investigation unless we are acquainted 
with certain earlier writings of Lombroso’s, and more 
especially with his researches concerning the nature 
of genius; it is necessary also to give an anticipatory 


account of his ideas concerning the nature of revolu- 

“‘ Revolution is the historical expression of evolu- 
tion; it is the chicken which has outgrown the 
embryonic stage, and is ready for life in the open, 
breaking through the shell.” This is a metaphor to 
which Lombroso returns again and again. If the 
new development is one with whose idea the generality 
have become familiar, if the old forms have become 
rotten, the evolutionary impulse spontaneously breaks 
into fresh channels. It is true that even then in 
some cases some force has to be applied to overcome 
the resistance of the adherents of the old ways; for, 
owing to the universality of misoneism, and to the 
law of inertia, such adherents will always be found, 
however cogent the need for innovation. Now, the 
characteristic of genius is its freedom from that which 
furnishes obstacles to progress, its freedom from 
misoneism—at least, in respect of progress in that 
particular direction towards which the particular type 
of genius is directed. In genius, therefore, Lombroso 
recognizes at once the source of all those tendencies 
which gradually swell to form the irresistible flood of 
revolution, and the helper through whose instrumen- 
tality the ultimately mature embryo is assisted to its 
birth. And just as, on the one hand, the genius 
accompanies a genuine revolutionary movement, one 
capable of development, from its first small begin- 


nings down to its victorious close; so, on the other 
hand, the pseudo-genius, the ‘‘ mattoid” criminal or 
the lunatic, excites revolis which oppose themselves 
in vain to the vis inertie of society, and whose sole 
result is to hinder the general course of evolution. 

In this section of this remarkable book we find a 
notable stimulus, and the brilliant exposition leads us 
to formulate all kinds of speculation. We are in- 
duced to attempt also to draw up a prognosis. We 
ask ourselves what will be the outcome of such a 
movement as that which was initiated in Germany 
by Lassalle—half genius, half-moral eccentric—a 
movement which has found its fool and its half-fool 
in Neve and Most respectively, and among whose 
adherents even now the question is being discussed 
whether the old Prussian suffrage system shall be 
and can be destroyed and rebuilt by means of street- 
demonstrations and the general strike. 

Lombroso utilized the relations between genius 
and revolution in a most remarkable manner for the 
purpose of studying the nature of revolution. A 
notable portion of his material, and unquestionably 
the most trustworthy portion, is constituted by the 
official statistics of the French elections to the 
Chamber of Deputies in the years 1877, 1881, and 
1885. In a nation whose disposition and develop- 
ment have been of so monarchical a character, 
Lombroso proceeds, a republican vote signifies ad- 


hesion to a revolution. ‘In these elections we have 
the numerical expression of revolution in its legiti- 
mate form—a form entirely free from any criminal or 
insurgent features.” 

In a very detailed manner he then proceeds to 
demonstrate the complete parallelism in France 
between genius and revolution—that is to say, 
republican sentiment—which, if not easy to display 
numerically, nevertheless is and has been universally 
dominant. Reference is also made to a kind of 
statistical statement of genius, which was given by 
Lombroso in another work, ‘‘ L’uomo di genio,” 1888.1 
From these statistics he derives an “‘ index of genius ”’ 
for every department in France, and according to the 
size of this index the departments are arranged in 
groups. These will be seen to correspond in a most 
striking manner with the groups we obtain by classify- 
ing the departments according to their republican or 
monarchical proclivities. | 

This analogy is pursued yet further. In a number 
of interesting tables, diagrams, and charts, the French 
departments are grouped according to their configura- 
tion (mountains, hills, and plains), the geological 
character of their soil (granitic and other primary 
formations—jurassic, cretaceous, alluvial, etc.), accord- 
ing to the racial origin of their inhabitants (Ligurian, 
Iberian, Cymric, Ruthenian, Gaelic, Belgic, etc.), and 

1 Translated as ‘‘ The Man of Genius.” London: Walter Scott. 


for each group the predominant political tendency and 
the index of genius are determined. In this way 
also he deduces an analogy bordering on identity 
between republicanism and genius. 

Apart from such analogies as these, his analysis of 
» the electoral results in France, and his grouping of 
the republican and the monarchical departments 
according to the configuration of the surface, the 
geological character of the soil, and the origin of the 
population, are of the greatest interest; and the 
interest is further increased by the accompanying 
commentary dealing with a mass of facts relating to 
other countries. Thus, of thirty-six departments of a 
mountainous character, twenty-five are republican ; 
whereas of ten departments in the plains, four only 
are republican. Lombroso gives numerous examples 
to show that the inhabitants of mountainous districts 
are inclined to more rapid evolutionary changes than 
the inhabitants of the plains, who are more averse to 
novelty. On the other hand, at very lofty altitudes 
indeed, an apathetic temperament and _ political 
indolence are dominant. Thus, in Mexico, the 
inhabitants of districts at an altitude of over 2,000 
metres (6,560 feet) above the sea-level are character- 
ized by passivity. The inhabitants of the capital city, 
which is situated at about this altitude, are politically 
indifferent, and take hardly any part in the revolu- 
tions of the country. It is the troops only, recruited 


from other parts of the country, which issue the 

The monotonous scenery of the plains induces an 
equable internal state in the inhabitants, and thus 
strengthens in them the sentiment of misoneism. 
Only the proximity of large rivers, on which great 
industrial towns grow up, encourages a political 
vitality in the plains. Factors of another order may 
intervene, and may counteract this monotonizing ~ 
influence of the plains. Here, above all, we note the 
effect of the crossing of races, in consequence of which 
the Poles, through contact and intermixture with the 
Germans, have undergone a notable development in 
civilization and political life in advance of so many 
other Slavonic races. In this connection, Lombroso 
lays especial stress upon the first effects, the nascent 
state, of such intercrossing of races, and refers the 
rapid decline in Polish evolution to disappearance of 
this status nascendi. (This notion of Lombroso’s is 
supported by the fact that the partition of Poland was 
followed by a renewed crossing of the Polish with the 
German stock, and there ensued upon this, in the 
middle third of the nineteenth century, and again 
to-day, in addition to the blossoming of a quite un- 
expected industrial, scientific, and literary quickening 
of the race, a recrudescence of the Polish revolutionary 
spirit. For a long time the force produced by the 
nascent state seemed exhausted, and the revolutionary 


spirit of the Poles appeared to have become meta- 
morphosed into clericalism.) 

In addition to the permanent factors of soil and 
race, by means of which a nation is rendered capable 
of pursuing a successful course of developmsnt 
through a series of fortunate revolutions, there are 
other and variable influences which give rise to a 
continuous rebellious unrest. Pre-eminent among 
these influences is a climate characterized by periods 
of rapidly rising temperature, whereas a tropical 
climate induces absolute indolence in the inhabitants, 
so that in tropical countries history has nothing to 
record regarding class-struggles, conspiracies, and 
serious insurrections. 

The hot season in the southern regions of the 
temperate climes is a cardinal factor in the production 
of political disturbances. Lombroso has proved this 
by the utilization of material whose official origin 
appears to him to render it entirely trustworthy— 
namely, the data recorded in the Calendar of Gotha 
for the years 1791 to 1880. In this period we find an 
account of 836 revolts, rebellions, insurrections, etc., 
of which 495 took place in Europe. The maximum 
of the European disturbances took place in the month 
of July, whilst of the South American revolts, the 
maximum occurred in the corresponding month of the 
southern hemisphere—viz., January. The more recent 
records, relating to outbreaks in Argentina and Chile, 


confirm this conclusion. The smallest number of 
revolts occurred—in Europe, in November and 
December, and in South America, in May and June. 
If we examine the records of the individual European 
nations, we find that among all the nations of 
Southern Europe the summer is the principal time 
of disturbance. In the case of five nationalities (the 
Norwegians, Swedes, Danes, Poles, and Irish) the 
spring predominates. In one case only was there a 
maximum of revolts in winter ; this was Switzerland, 
in which ten out of twenty-four recorded outbreaks 
occurred during the winter season. 

Another tabulation of the figures displays the pre- 
dominance of the nationalities of Southern Europe 
in the statistics of insurrection. In Greece there were 
95 revolts per 10,000,000 inhabitants, this being the 
maximum ; in Russia, down to the year 1900, there 
were 0°8 per 10,000,000 inhabitants, this being the 
minimum. Dividing Europe into three zones, we find 
that in Northern Europe there were 12 revolts, in 
Central Europe 25, and in Southern Europe 56, per 
10,000,000 inhabitants. 

Even richer in facts, and more engrossing in con- 
sequence of vivid description and apt characterization, 
is the analysis, in chapters vii. to xii., of the 
individual factors of political crime. The significance 
of age and sex are studied, and we find a detailed 
description of the female protagonists of Russian 


nihilism, who are depicted as the noblest examples of 
the ‘ revolutionist by passion.” A description is then 
given of the born criminals and the morally diseased 
among rebels and insurgents, with a full account of 
their individual peculiarities. Proof is submitted of 
the great part played in all important insurrectionary 
movements by the insane and the partially insane 
(‘‘mattoids”’). An elaborate account is given of the 
characteristics and influence of the “ political occa- 
sional criminals and political criminals by passion,” 
who are closely allied to the revolutionary genius, and 
commonly exhibit a noble type of character. Whereas 
among the French revolutionaries of 1793, among the 
revolters in South America, the rioters of the Paris 
Commune, and the modern anarchists, Lombroso 
finds the most bestial criminal natures and the most 
horrible moral insanity predominant, among the 
heroes of the prolonged Italian struggle for freedom 
and among the so-called nihilists he describes a 
number of anthropologically normal and noble figures, 
from whom nothing is more remote than degenera- 
tion, criminality, or mental disorder. The chapter is 
illustrated by a large number of portraits, including 
those of Louise Michel, Ibarbar, Reinsdorf, and Hodel, 
as criminal physiognomies ; and contrasted with these 
are the noble countenances of Magzzini, Bakunin, 
Scheljabow, Wjera, Sassulitsch, Perowskaja, etc. 

At the end of this first part of his book, Lombroso 


sums up the whole of his material for a differential 
diagnosis between revolution and revolt. Then follows 
the second part, which was written in collaboration 
with a young jurist, the Veronese advocate Laschi. 
Here we have an historical account of the genesis of 
political crime, with a description of the earlier and 
more recent methods of dealing with it, both national 
and international; and an attempt is made, from the 
standpoint gained in the first part, to formulate juri- 
dically the principal elements of political criminology, 
and to reconstruct the foundations of its penal repres- 
sion. The conclusion consists of a detailed account 
of the economic and political prophylaxis of ‘‘ political 
crime,”’ in which from time to time—and more 
especially in the criticism of Italian parliamentary 
government and party politics—Lombroso’s original 
modes of thought are strikingly manifest. For the 
most part, however, these prophylactic prescriptions 
have reference merely to co-operative associations, 
insurance against unemployment, and a number of 
political measures of a more or less “ State-Socialist ’’ 
character of no particular originality, and derived, as 
it seems to me, in part from the ideas of Luigi Luzzati 
(the present Minister President), and in part from 
those of Achille Loria. 

The chief merits of the book are not found here, 
but in its historico-philosophical ideas, which in this 
concluding portion are but slightly sketched, and in 


the masterly manner in which, with the aid of a vast 
material, the foundations are laid of our knowledge 
of the psychology of the rebel, whose lineaments are 
depicted with the truest perception of nature and of 

Lombroso’s daily contact with prisoners awaiting 
trial, owing to his official position as medical officer 
to the prison at Turin, the criticisms passed from the 
legal side upon his doctrine of the “born criminal,” 
and the continued exchange of ideas with so dis- 
tinguished an expert in the theory of jurisprudence 
as Enrico Ferri, led him in twenty years’ ensuing 
work, in which he accumulated an enormous mass of 
observations of his own, and utilized the entire inter- 
national literature of the subject, to study the criminal 
by passion, the occasional criminal (economic etiology 
of crime), the habitual criminal, and other abnormal 
categories of criminals (in addition to the born 
criminal)—criminal alcoholics, criminal lunatics, and 
criminal epileptics. The results of all this work were 
incorporated in the third, fourth, and fifth editions of 
**T’uomo delinquente.’’ From the year 1880 onwards 
he was assisted in this gigantic undertaking by able 
personal assistants, and from this year dates the issue 
of his Archivia di psichiatria, in the production of 
which he enjoyed the collaboration of an international 
circle of colleagues. At the same time, the doors of 


all Italian prisons were open, not to him only, but 
also to his pupils and fellow-workers—an advan- 
tage which I myself occasionally enjoyed. Beltrani- 
Scalia,’ the chief of the Italian prison administration, 
placed at Lombroso’s disposal the entire official 
material of his department; and Lombroso utilized 
this, not only to strengthen and develop his theories, 
but also for the foundation of a unique criminal 
museum, and for the preparation of carefully-thought- 
out plans of penal reform. From every quarter 
materials streamed in, by which hundreds of heads 
and hands were kept busy. Lombroso’s grown-up 
daughters, Paola and Gina, became readers, trans- 
lators, actuaries, and sub-editors; and the house in 
the great square of Turin, from which in the evening 

1 This brilliant expert has given the best summary of’ his own 
aims in the speech which he delivered in the year 1870 in 
Cincinnati, at the Congress for Prison Reform, He said: ‘‘ When 
the chains have been removed, when corporal punishment has 
been abolished, when the treatment of prisoners has become some- 
thing altogether different from what it has-been in the past, 
when, in a word, in penology severity has been replaced by 
mildness and consideration, still it will not be easy to say if and 
to what extent this humane spirit will have dammed the spread-. 
ing flood of crime, nor should I find it easy to determine 
precisely the grounds by which we have been guided to a decision 
whether severity or mildness is to be preferred. 

**'To study the criminal, this is the first and the greatest need. 
After so many years filled with work and discussion we have 
arrived at the point from which we ought to have started, 
precisely because, after taking such an infinity of trouble, we 
have discovered nothing but emptiness.” 


can be seen the sunset glow on the peaks of the 
western Alps, became, not only the collecting centre 
of the materials pouring in from every direction 
(ultimately even from the slowly-moving Anglo-Saxon 
world), not only the source of an extensive journalistic 
propaganda (in Germany furthered by Maximilian 
Harden’s paper, Zukunft, which even then had a wide 
and increasing circulation), but, in addition, the 
meeting- place of numerous foreign investigators 
engaged in the study of the social and biological 
sciences. Here the heavy red wine of Piedmont, 
which was supplied with no sparing hand, loosened 
many tongues; but wine was assuredly not the sole 
enlivening element in the house, in which dis- 
tinguished simplicity and a patriarchal atmosphere 
combined to melt the chill reserve no less of the 
Prussian Privy Councillor than of the English 
University Professor, so that the conversation of all 
was brilliant and unrestrained. 

These years of propaganda and of practical efforts 
on behalf of reform—1885 to 1900—undoubtedly owed 
a part of their brilliancy and of their practical fruit- 
fulness to Lombroso’s daughters, who first by means 
of their women friends (among whom I may give the 
leading place to the social reformer, Madame Kuliszew), 
and subsequently by means of their affianced husbands 
(G. Ferrero and M. Carrara), brought fresh worlds of 

ideas into contact with that of their father. To the 


elements already enumerated were added music and 
the plastic arts, and the friendship of such artists as 
Bistolfi—drawings and sketches by living artists, and 
casts of celebrated sculptures were dispersed among 
the skulls and the books with which almost every 
room in the house was filled. The glorious harmonies 
of Beethoven and Wagner were not only re-echoed in 
the hearts alike of young and old among the audience, 
but also resounded from the skulls of ancient 
Peruvians and from painted prison-utensils. This 
was the environment from which came the masterly 
sketch of the nature of woman; and thus it came to 
pass that the anthropology of calculus and measuring- 
rule receded into the background, and was replaced 
by a profound psychological insight. As a result of 
such stimuli, and of others too numerous to mention, 
there originated the intimate analysis of the criminal 
mentality, in consequence of which the criminal is no 
longer regarded merely as the savage and atavistic 
descendant of the prehistoric mammoth-hunter, but 
rather as one in whom the observer now perceives 
also, and depicts with the sure hand of a master, the 
lineaments of an unfortunate being impelled to crime 
by his passions, by the pressure of want, by exploita- 
tion and impoverishment. At the same time the 
psychological description of the born criminal nature 
gained additional clearness of detail and sharpness of 
outline. We must look for this description, not only 


in the last edition of the chief work, but also in the 
numerous monographs on individual criminals whose 
offences attracted public attention during these years 
of Lombroso’s ripest knowledge and fullest creative 
force. The last of these figures was the Parisian, 
Madame Steinheil. 

Lombroso’s criminal psychology deserves much 
more attention than it has hitherto received. In 
relation to the. practical problems of criminal juris- 
prudence it is more important than were his purely 
anthropological investigations, although these latter 
have attracted far greater popular notice. Alike to the 
expert in forensic medicine and to the psychiatrist, 
criminal psychology possesses greater diagnostic im- 
portance; for it is often necessary to determine 
whether, in a certain individual, acquired mental 
infirmity, congenital mental infirmity, or some special 
and peculiar type of degeneracy, predominates. It 
is not permissible for the medical jurist to argue as 
follows: ‘‘ This individual has remarkable physical 
characters and incomprehensible psychical pecu- 
liarities, and he is therefore ill and irresponsible.” 
The incomprehensible character of a crime or the 
enigmatical character of a personality is not rarely 
used as an argument for the belief that mental dis- 
order, and consequent irresponsibility, exists. But 

1 “ Pensieri sul processo Steinheil,” Archwio di psichiatria. 
etc., vol. xxx., p. 87, 1909. 


this is not a valid inference. A knowledge of the 
psychology of the respectable bourgeois and of that 
of the ordinary philistine, or a limited acquaintance 
with the insane confined in institutions, does not 
provide any experience of the interweaving of com- 
plicated and peculiar motives and feelings in the 
psyche of the criminal nature. A thorough know- 
ledge of criminal psychology, which is rare to-day, 
and which, for obvious reasons, is difficult to obtain, 
is an essential preliminary for the distinction of 
criminal natures from the insane and from imbeciles. 

Not infrequently it is maintained that the per- 
former of a criminal act cannot be normal if we 
are unable to discover any profit which he could have 
derived from his act. The characteristic of a criminal, 
it is held, is to injure others to gain a personal 
advantage; but to injure others simply for the sake 
of doing injury is said to be characteristic of psycho- 
logical anomaly. 

This assumption is contradicted by two fundamental 
traits of the criminal nature—recklessness of conse- 
quences and cruelty. The recklessness of the criminal 
nature leads him rather to yield to momentary im- 
pulses than to pursue a deliberate purposive plan. 
The cruel individual, not only as criminal, but also 
as savage, as despot, as violent leader of a mob, takes 

1 The monumental work of the Public Prosecutor, E. Wulffen 
( Berlin, 1909), offers a notable exception to this generalization. 


a positive pleasure in others’ suffering. Nothing, for 
example, is commoner in the school and the barrack 
than such a phenomenon as this. To a certain 
degree, indeed, we find it in the average man, in the 
normal philistine and the pedant, perhaps, more than 
all, although only in a low degree of intensity. Many 
criminal natures undoubtedly possess this tendency 
to a very high degree, and take a positive delight in 
the thought of being able to inflict pain and fear 
on others. But herein they merely exhibit, after 
their own fashion, a general tendency of human 
nature to find pleasure in the possession and exercise 
of power, and thus to feel superior to others, and 
to manifest this superiority by means of the infliction 
of pain. 

In this sphere of cruelty there is certainly no more 
than a quantitative difference between the criminal 
nature and the normal philistine, and least of all will 
one who is really familiar with the erotic life of 
mankind, which is the principal sphere of the mutual 
infliction of suffering, maintain that in its association 
with cruelty there is anything that can be termed 

Unquestionably, many crimes are committed because 
the injury inflicted upon another is in some way 
profitable to the criminal. This, indeed, is little more 
than a matter of business. But just as many crimes 
are committed because the injury of another is pain- 


ful to that other, and because the criminal—the 
usurer, for example—actually experiences pleasure 
in having given rise to others’ pain. 3 

The profound psychologist, Friedrich Nietzsche, 
has detected the roots of this phenomenon in average 
human nature. He speaks of the ‘‘ horrible beautiful ”’ 
of crime—of the happiness of one who has completely 
freed himself from the lower instincts of compassion 
and from the evil beast ‘‘ conscience.” 

Abundant as are the materials for a special 
psychology of certain specialities in crime, and exten- 
sive as was Lombroso’s acquaintance with individual 
criminals, none the less his account of the elementary 
qualities of the criminal nature is extremely simple. 
The differences between individual criminals, who at 
first sight appear extremely unlike, frequently depend 
merely upon the fact that the inclination to enrich 
their own personality at the expense of another is 
associated in the one case with a favourable, and in 
the other with an unfavourable, economic position. 
The thievish proletarian will steal anything he sees 
lying about or anything that he finds in someone 
else’s pocket. The millionaire similarly disposed will 
not steal single purses, but will find ways and means 
of emptying very numerous and very large purses. 
The criminal proletarian is a petty thief or a burglar ; 
the criminal bourgeois founds fraudulent banks and 
limited liability companies, or transforms sound 


undertakings into swindles, or he systematically 
swindles his partners. Fraudulent bankruptcy is the 
leading field of typical bourgeois criminality. Thus 
we get an insight into the operation of many of the 
so-called ‘‘economic factors” of crime, which in 
essentials amount to this, that in times of economic 
depression a large number of unscrupulous persons 
seize opportunities for stealing bread that has risen 
in price or the money that is needed for the purchase 
of bread—a larger number than in more prosperous 
times; whereas in times of commercial expansion 
the talents of the swindler on the large scale and 
of the millionaire plunderer find their greatest oppor- 
tunity. Moreover, it is clear that one who has no 
regard for his personal reputation will, if he is a poor 
man, more readily turn to the commission of offences 
against. property; but if he is well-to-do, he is more 
likely to commit offences against the person. This 
is shown by the fact that those who are well off 
more often offend against the health, life, and sexual 
freedom of others; whilst those who are ill off more 
frequently commit offences against property. And it 
is further shown by the fact that when wages are 
rising, and the prices of the necessaries of life are 
falling, crimes against the person increase in number, 
whilst the number of thefts and embezzlements 
diminishes. This tendency is still more clearly mani- 


fested if the rise in wages and the fall in prices are 

In addition to cruelty, which we encounter not only 
in offenders against the person, but also see frequently 
in the form of a lack of sympathy, in usurers and 
cheats, the comparative psychology of criminals en- 
ables us to recognize in them as permanent qualities 
a recklessness and remorselessness,! and, in most 
cases, also an entire lack of integrity—that is to say, 

1 The born criminal is, invariably, utterly destitute of the 
feeling that he is doing wrong. Murderers frequently describe 
their misdeeds as trifles, as pardonable errors of youth, and they 
are astonished and indignant that they are so severely punished. 
To the true criminal, the pangs of conscience are entirely 
unknown, and a brutish indifference to death is a most frequent 

manifestation. This is shown very clearly in the turns of 
phrase met with in the jargon of criminals in relation to the 

punishment of execution. One of the most sensational trials in 

recent days—the trial of Heinze and of the prostitute with 
whom he lived—served to acquaint the general public with the 
phrase “cut the cabbage” for decapitation. The expression 
**to sneeze in the sack” corresponds to this (the guillotined 
head, when severed by the falling knife, is received in a sack) ; 
and there are many others. LLombroso gives numerous examples 
of a perfect equanimity persisting up to the very moment of 
death. One of his reports (Archwio di psichiatria, 1891, 
Section 4) tells us of a murderer who, whilst awaiting his 
execution, drew caricatures of the spectators. Allied to this 
indifference, appears to be the puzzling impulse of professional 
murderers before the commission of a crime to speak openly of 
their plans, and even to describe the actual details of the 
proposed murder. Troppmann, although he lied in court during 
the trial, while confined in his cell made drawings of the way in 
which he had committed the murder. 


merely negative qualities—due to deficiency in the 
development of sensibility. Among positive qualities, 
a characteristic one is the fatuous vanity of many 
habitual criminals. It is a phenomenon of world- 
wide familiarity that that which in the life of a 
human being was at first a means merely, ultimately 
becomes an independent end—indeed, the sole aim. 
This we find also in the career of the criminal, to 
whom crime becomes a field for vain display. The 
art of pocket-picking, of housebreaking, of poisoning, 
ultimately becomes one pursued for its own sake. 
Some have thought this almost demoniacal; but 
there is nothing very singular in the practice of an 
acquired facility from the pure pleasure of its clever 
performance—art for art’s sake. Moreover, we see 
the same thing also in criminals who secretly destroy 
property or secretly commit arson. Here the art 
of remaining undiscovered is cultivated for its own 

Lombroso gives a very elaborate description of 
several other psychical characters of criminals—of their 
religious life, and of their poetry and their literature, 
which latter, in bloodthirstiness and savage sensuality, 
closely resemble the tribal songs of the Australian 
blacks. In his subtle observation and description of 
the criminal psyche, in which he took note of the 
smallest details, and at the same time combined these 
deiails into a most effective general picture, making use 



alike of apparently trifling scrawls on prison walls and 
of comprehensive historical studies of crime, is cer- 
tainly to be found his chief service. Here we find 
one of the finest examples known to modern psycho- 
pathology of the minute observation of details. 
Lombroso shows himself to be a true interpreter of 
nature, and a genius to whom, in the depth of his 
insight into human nature, we can, among the 
moderns, compare only Dostoieffsky, and, among 
those of an earlier day, only the brilliant criminal 
psychologist Shakespeare. 

An important circumstance in the development of 
the individual criminal is the existence of a pro- 
fessional rascality with ancient traditions, repre- 
senting a kind of syndicated organization of the 
criminal interests, associated with the equally old 
traditions of the receivers, vagabonds, prostitutes, 
and gipsies. This has introduced into the life of 
crime a conventional element, which would naturally 
not be able to maintain itself unless it corresponded 
to the innermost nature of the criminal. The old 
national capitals—Venice, Madrid, Paris, London— 
still possess ancient traditions of this character ; but 
the colossal growth of the modern industrial towns 
has given rise, in addition, to the existence of a 
criminal world without traditions, one which knows 
little or nothing of the three leading features of 
the ancient tradition—thieves’ jargon, tattooing, and 


soutenage. Southern Italy and Sicily have preserved 
criminal organizations in the Camorra and the Maffia, 
out of which there has developed a systematic taxation 
of the propertied classes, and which even possess 
Parliamentary powers. 

Side by side with the ancient thieves’ jargon, 
almost venerable in view of its genuine antiquity, as 
shown by numerous words and phrases derived from 
the Hebrew and Romany tongues, there has arisen 
the ever-changing speech of the canaille, to which 
contributions are continually furnished, first, by 
prostitutes, through whose intermediation is effected 
a contact between the most diverse classes of society ; 
secondly, by submerged individuals originally belong- 
ing to the upper classes; and, thirdly, by the artist 
world. These jargons are naturally in a perpetual 
flux. They possess their classic writers, as does, for 
instance, the argot of contemporary Paris in the 
talented Bruant, to whom every new variation of the 
jargonization of speech streams down from the 
summit of Montmartre, and whose songs are diffused 
throughout France from thousands of small music- 
halls, just in the same way as Francois Villon, four 
and a half centuries ago, disseminated the jargon of 
his day in shameless but inspired songs. 

Now, unquestionably, every argot possesses a 
criminal psychological interest. The canaille will 
take the new-coined word io its heart only when the 


thing or the relation described by this word expresses 
something of great or supreme importance to the 
blackguard or the cheat. To the burglar, the baby is 
important principally as a ‘‘ screecher,” so he accepts 
this new-coined word. To the thief, in the same way, 
the fingers are “ hooks,” or, in the argot of Poland, 
grabka—that which grips. To the naturalism of the 
vagabond, the cook from whom he begs may be most 
aptly described as jinkelmusch—jinkel being the fire- 
side, and musch, a Hebrew word for the vulva. : 

The humour of every jargon lies in this—that its 
words are formed by the naming of that part of the 
denominated whole which appears to the name-giver 
to be the most important element of that whole.’ 
The astonishing vividness and speech-forming power 
often recognizable in such jargon is really somewhat 
atavistic when compared with the wearisome newspaper 
jargon (‘‘journalese’’) of our modern books among 
all civilized peoples. By means of precisely such a 
word-formation, directed towards the vivid and im- 
portant, did the colloquial speech of prehistoric man 
originate! = ¢ 

In tattooing we recognize allied qualities of origin- 

1 Cf. F. Max Miiller, “The Science of Thought,” 1887, pp. 
270, 271: “‘If the science of language has proved anything, it 
has proved that every term which is applied to a particular idea 
or object, unless it be a proper name, is already a general term. 
Mam meant originally anything that could think; serpent, any- 
thing that could creep; fruit, anything that could be eaten,”’— 


ality and force. Many criminals depict on their own 
skins their fate and their philosophy. Naturally, 
most of them adorn themselves with merely profes- 
sional designs, devoid of all trace of originality; but 
the standard specimens of this decorative art naturally 
correspond to the taste of the customers, just as the 
standard specimens of any other decorative art corre- 
spond to the taste of the public that demands it. 
Asthetically, in fact, a criminal who has his skin 
tattooed stands nearer to the savage Fiji Islander 
than he does to the European decorative taste of the 
common people, as displayed in the shops of the 
working-class quarters in which chimney “‘ ornaments ”’ 
are sold. It must be admitted that xsthetic senti- 
ments are not very closely allied to ethical. Never- 
theless, the former are emotional stirrings, and it is 
in this sphere that we must look for the fundamental 
traits of the criminal nature. It is in this that we 
find the significance of the tattooings so often met 
with in criminals, even in those who have never been 
convicted, who have never been in a barrack, a shop, 
or a factory. In Lombroso’s atlas we find reproduc- 
tions of numerous fantastic tattooed designs. 

Thus the most important element in the psychology 
of the criminal is a rudimentary development of the 
life of feeling in general# 

1 Very various significations are attached to the term 
“ criminal psychology.” Some denote by it a general theory of 


In an elaborate analysis of the mind of the 
criminal,! I have endeavoured to show that this 
mind is dominated by the sovereignty of the moment, 
a feature in which it resembles the mind of the child 
and the savage. Here we have an indication that 
in the criminal, as in the child and the savage, 
inhibition—the most important function of the brain 
—is not developed?; for inhibition operates under 
the influence of our previous experiences and of the 
continuous consideration of the future consequences 
of our present actions. Undoubtedly, it is also 
characteristic of the criminal by passion that, at 
the time of the deed, the momentary motives drive 
out or paralyze all past experiences and all consider- 
ations for the future. But that which, in the case 
of the criminal by passion, occurs but once or a few 

responsibility ; some, an account of the mental disorders which 
have forensic importance; some, the theory of the will, of 
purpose, of deliberation, of design, of resolve, of the associations 
with and the aids to crime; some, the developmental history of 
individual criminals, or a description of the means by which 
they have been led to commit some particular crime, or which 
they have adopted in the course of its performance; some, 
finally, denote by the term a classification of the world of 
criminals in accordance with character, after the manner of 
Benedikt and Krauss. The teaching of Lombroso is concerned 
solely with the elements of the criminal nature which possess an 
anthropological interest, just as the ethnologist endeavours to 
elucidate the natural character of a race. 

1 “ Naturgeschichte des Verbrechers”’ (“‘ The Natural History 
of the Criminal ”’), pp. 230-246. 

2 See above. p. 42, the observations of Professor Ranke. 


times only during life, is in the born criminal a 
continuous state, one which characterizes his non- 
criminal as well as his criminal activities. 

It is obvious that alcoholism—from which almost 
all habitual criminals suffer—must favour the failure 
of inhibition. The psychology of the criminal is, as 
a rule, so interpermeated with the characteristics of 
alcoholism that it is often necessary to grope back 
into the childhood of the individual in order to ascer- 
tain the original lineaments of his character.! 

The parasitism of the existence of the criminal is 
mainly an outcome of economic conditions, and not 
an elementary feature of crime. In this respect, 
criminality closely resembles prostitution, which, at 
least in the modern large town, is through and 
through a product of parasitic luxury. 

Passing on now to consider the pressing question 
of the causal connection between the psychical and the 
physical fundamental characteristics of the criminal, 
we find that it is not possible from the physical 
characters to deduce with certainty a corresponding 
development of feeling. But it may well be that 
both series of phenomena result from a common 
cause—viz., the arrest of development at a not 
completely human stage of evolution. This concep- 

1 In Lombroso’s ‘“‘ Palimsesti del carcere ’’ (1891) are to be found 
extremely interesting histories of the childhood of criminals, to 
which, in my German edition of the work, I have added certain 
observations of my own (Hamburg, 1900). 


tion of Lombroso’s—-which I myself regard as correct 
—is readily comprehensible by every evolutionist, for 
the evolutionist must assume the inheritance of social 
feelings, and therewith also the inheritance of the 
organic substratum of these feelings. 

In accordance with the modern standpoint of 
physiological psychology, we have every reason to 
regard the vasomotor nervous system as a part, at 
least, of the organic substratum in which, alike in 
the individual and in the race, the development of 
feeling runs its course. A very strong reason for 
believing that the predisposition to crime is based 
upon a definite congenital tendency is to be found 
in the fact that the inheritance of criminal tendencies 
is manifested also in cases in which neither environ- 
ment, nor education, nor example, suffice to account 
for the phenomenon. A very large mass of materials 
has been collected bearing upon this thesis, a part 
of which will be found in Lombroso’s own writings, 
a part in Ribot’s celebrated work on “‘ Heredity,” and 
a part in my own “‘ Natural History of the Criminal.”’ 
The most frequent manifestations of criminal heredity 
take the form of a tendency to fraud, to arson, and 
to sexual crime. Cruelty, also, is very frequently 
inherited; and this tendency sometimes finds ex- 
pression in the desire, as a hospital nurse, to see as 
many operations as possible, or, at least, to witness 
as many confinements as possible. ‘The inheritance 


of criminal tendencies is also shown by the frequency 
of criminal acts in children ; and at the present day, 
in the enormous increase of youthful criminality, the 
primitive and original character of criminal tendencies 
is most clearly manifested. 

Finally, the incorrigibility of many criminals, and 
their innumerable relapses into crime, afford a proof, 
not merely of the uselessness of our penal systems, but 
also of the organic nature of the predisposition to 
erime. All the experience hitherto recorded shows 
that those individuals who, anthropologically speak- 
ing, exhibit the most severe stigmatization, are also 
the most hopeless recidivists. 

It is a point much open to dispute whether the 
congenital tendency to crime is essentially a morbid 
predisposition ; but the discussion is profitless. Un- 
questionably the professional criminal throughout 
his life exhibits a marked tendency to mental dis- 
order. Many of Lombroso’s adherents are inclined 
to regard insanity as a professional disease of 
prisoners. It must not, however, be forgotten that 
debauchery, poverty, alcoholism, and close confine- 
ment — conditions inseparable from the criminal 
life—would suffice of themselves, and in the absence 
of any predisposition to insanity, to induce mental 

This has nothing whatever to do with the problem 
of the responsibility of the born criminal. In the 



most exceptional case we can admit that the criminal 
is strongly predisposed to become insane. 

This is a suitable place in which to draw attention 
to the fact that Lombroso himself emphasizes the 
relationships between epilepsy and the criminal 
nature; and, indeed, that he draws an analogy 
between the permanent psychical state of the born 
criminal and the conditions of brain giving rise to 
epilepsy. To some extent, indeed, he regards the two 
conditions as identical. His account of these relation- 
ships exhibits the characteristic features of his mode 
of thought. He possessed the impassioned tendency 
of the great investigator of Nature, as it was also 
embodied in Darwin; and he possessed at the same 
time the patience of the collector. He knew, also, how 
to demonstrate his results forcibly and vividly ; but he 
was less richly endowed with the faculty of sifting his 
data, and of grouping them in accordance with a 
natural, and not merely superficial, criterion. Thus 
it happened often enough that, perceiving intuitive 
analogies, his lively imagination led him falsely to 
regard them as identities. He tells us that in the 
criminal, as in the epileptic, he discovered the follow- 
ing characteristics: ‘‘ Tendency to lead a vagabond 
life, inclination to obscenity, uncleanness, pride in 
evil actions, a passion for scribbling, a tendency to 
neologism, tattooing, dissimulation, lack of definite 
character, easily aroused to wrath, megalomania, 


vacillations of thought and feeling, cowardice. In 
epileptic and criminal alike, we find a lengthening of 
the personal equation (reaction-time), when compared 
with the normal human being; the same vanity, the 
same tendency to self-contradiction and to universal 
exaggeration.” He considered that this identity was 
confirmed by the similarities which can be detected 
between criminals and epileptics in respect of certain 
forms of blunting of cutaneous sensibility and other 
sensory perceptions. It must also be remembered 
that Lombroso’s conception of epilepsy was a very 
wide one: “To-day, in fact, in accordance with the 
completely harmonious results of clinical and experi- 
mental pathological research, epilepsy has been 
resolved into a circumscribed stimulation of the 
cerebral cortex, resulting in paroxysms, sometimes 
momentary, sometimes of long duration, but always 
periodic, and always superposed upon a degenerate 
foundation, whether this foundation be inherited, 
or acquired through the abuse of alcohol, in con- 
sequence of injury to the skull, etc.”’ 

As regards this theory that epilepsy is a basic 
element in the criminal nature, Lombroso finds a 
link between epilepsy and criminality in certain types 
of character which, long before his time, certain 
alienists—especially those of England—had described 
as quite specific, and as differing entirely from ordinary 
insanity. As the psychiatric name for these types, the 


English phrase ‘‘ moral insanity’’ has been widely 
accepted. Such cases are regarded by Lombroso as 
developmental stages on the way to the formation of 
the criminal nature. Writing on this subject, he says 
(German edition, p. 521): ‘‘ Just as moral insanity 
passes insensibly into its higher degree — born 
criminality—so also the epileptic criminal, when his 
liability to acute or to larval paroxysms has become 
chronic, exhibits the more advanced manifestation 
of moral insanity. In the less developed periods we 
cannot distinguish between these types; and just as 
two things which are equal to the same thing are 
equal to one another,’ so also, undoubtedly, born 
criminality and moral insanity are both of them 
nothing more than variants of epilepsy (Griesinger 
terms them “‘ epileptoid states ’’). 
In order to give us a more vivid idea of these 

epileptoid states, Lombroso groups them as follows: 

First degree, larval epilepsy. 

Second degree, chronic epilepsy. 

Third degree, moral insanity. 

Fourth degree, congenital criminality. 

Fifth degree, criminality by passion. 

This view has been opposed in various quarters on 

the ground that Lombroso, in other parts of his lead- 

1 Lombroso’s syllogism : “ All criminals are morally insane, 

all epileptics are morally insane, therefore all criminals are — 

epileptics,”” should have been stated in the hypothetical rather 
than in the categorical form. 


ing work, explains criminality as an atavistic reversion 
to primitive human types, and that, consequently, in 
accordance with the same principle of equivalent 
values, the type of the epileptic must also be identical 
with that of primitiveman. This conclusion being an 
impossible one, it is held that Lombroso’s whole 
chain of reasoning is false. But Lombroso invokes 
the principle of equivalent values in relation, not 
to qualitative, but to quantitative, relations. His 
opponents have just as little right to use this 
principle for a reductio ad absurdum as Lombroso 
himself had to speak of ‘‘ identity ’” instead merely of 
“analogy.” It must be admitted that the criminal 
and the epileptic temperaments are very closely 
allied, that epileptics provide a disproportionately 
large contingent to the world of crime, and that it is 
quite possible that genetic relationships exist between 
the born criminal and the epileptic. It may well 
happen that when a mother suffering from nervous or 
mental disorder becomes pregnant, the brain and the 
whole organism of her child will be poorly nourished, 
and will, therefore, not develop normally. The child 
may have its development arrested at an earlier and 
more primitive stage, corresponding to the type of a 
remote ancestor, and, at the same time, these nutritive 
disturbances may lead to disturbances in the forma- 
tion of the nerve elements, whereby the child is 
rendered epileptic throughout its, life. The child is 


thus born an epileptic, and according to the nature of 
the arrest of development from which it suffers, it may 
happen that it is incapable of a normal development 
of the life of feeling, or it may be incapable of acquir- 
ing a normal power of resistance to anti-social im- 
pulses. It then becomes a criminal, and is, at the 
same time, an epileptic, with atavistic characteristics. 
These features may thus be united at the root, as we 
may see in every idiot asylum, and, unfortunately, 
also in numerous instances in every prison. 

By this identification of the born criminal with the 
moral imbecile Lombroso has also given occasion to 
misunderstandings. It was not his intention to define 
the criminal with reference to the still insufficiently 
studied moral insanity; but, contrariwise, to say 
that we are only justified in speaking of moral 
insanity in cases in which his (Lombroso’s) “‘ criminal 
type”’ is seen to exist. Thus moral “ insanity’ is 
defined by means of criminality, and thus an entirely 
new and very vivid conception of moral insanity is 
rendered possible; for Lombroso’s “ moral insanity ” 
is not an acquired disease suddenly attacking the 
brain and suddenly introducing psychical disturb- 
ances, but it is the psychological expression of 
criminal degeneration. Thus, also, he always con- 
trasts the moral lunatic with the ordinary lunatic, 
and a large proportion of his material is grouped 
in such a way.that this. contrast is clearly exhibited 


with the aid of all the methods of anthropological 
and psychological study. If he goes on to describe 
moral insanity as a mere variant of epilepsy, the 
principal difficulty he has to face is the contradiction 
this involves with his atavistic explanation of the 
criminal nature. But if, in the appearances of 
atavistic traits, we see nothing more than a co- 
ordinated element of criminality, this contradiction 
disappears, while the marked similarity remains, 
which harmonizes, above all, with Samt’s description 
of epileptoid states; and the theory is further sup- 
ported by the fact that the stigmata of degeneration 
are commonly present in both types. The extra- 
ordinary frequency of epileptoid types in prisons has 
also been pointed out by Sommer, Knecht, Sander, 

~ Moeli, and Kirn. He 

This view of Lombroso’s is, above all, supported by 
the fact that criminality and epilepsy are hereditary 
equivalents—that is to say, that criminals frequently 
have epileptic children, and conversely. If, however, 
we find no lack of relationships between epilepsy and 
crime, these are not explained by the supposition of 
a simple identity between the two. What Lombroso 
has succeeded in proving is that in the wide group of 
degenerates who, under certain social conditions, may 
become criminals, the epileptics are notably repre- 
sented. Epileptics, indeed, unquestionably belong to 
the less valuable constituents of society. 


The importance of the “stigmata” described by 
Lombroso as indications of psychical degeneration can 
no longer be disputed, however difficult it remains to 
understand what relationship handle-shaped and pro- 
jecting ears, facial asymmetry, dental abnormalities, 
hypospadias, epispadias, etc., can have to psychical 
degeneration. We have, in fact, no better explanation 
than the phrase ‘‘ correlation of growth.”’ Our present 
knowledge of the functions of the brain certainly does 
not suffice to elucidate the causal chain by means 
of which anomalies of the skull are associated with 
moral imbecility. But, after all, there is no single 
problem of psycho-pathology in which the chain of 
causation is completely known to us. However, it 
should not be difficult to understand that a brain 
enclosed in an abnormal skull can never develop to 
the full its most complicated function—viz., the co- 
ordination of the voluntary activities for the purposes 
of a course of conduct adapted to the conditions of 
social life. 

The term ‘‘ degeneration” is unquestionably an 
indefinite one, and remains to-day incapable of either 
anatomical or physiological explanation ; but it owes 
to Lombroso’s researches a definite practical signi- 
ficance, from the fact that he has proved that the 
majority of degenerates are socially inadequate, and, 
further, that this social inadequacy of degenerate 
individuals makes their existence a great danger to 


society. The degenerate is often an anti-social being, 
and society must protect itself against him. 

The importance of these stigmata was not com- 
prehensively understood by Morel and the other 
predecessors of Lombroso, in respect either of their 
mode of origin, or of their grouping to constitute 
specific types of degenerate. Morel merely sketched 
the outlines, and enumerated a few important facts 
about degeneration. One small area only of this 
enormous province has as yet been carefully studied 
—that of criminality. By Lombroso’s anthropometric 
and other researches very numerous demonstrations 
and statistical classifications of the stigmata of de- 
generation have been effected, whilst nothing of the 
kind has yet been attempted in respect of other forms 
of degeneration. As a result of his work, we are 
enabled to define the type of the criminal as that 
form of degeneration which is characterized morpho- 
logically and biologically by atavistic characters, and 
psychologically by the deficiency of altruistic feelings, 
Even if this type does not afford us a brief or in- 
variably harmonious signification of crime, still, in 
a period in which we no longer believe in the per- 
sistence of species, and in which, even in “ good 
species,” we recognize the tendency to variation, we 
must not demand that a degenerative subtype should 
exhibit constant characters. 



Lomproso’s life-work was by no means confined to 
the highly specialized field of criminal anthropology. 
For more than thirty years he was engaged in the 
description and elucidation, in a very large number of 
monographs and handbooks, of various social ills— 
crime, prostitution, alcoholism, pellagra, anarchism, 
revolts, anti-Semitism. It was as pathologist and 
anthropologist that his attention was, in the first 
instance, drawn to these matters; and it was his aim 
to show that these phenomena—together with many 
others of which his study was merely occasional—owe 
their origin to the typical characteristics of the anti- 
social individual. 

To this aim, and to his discoveries, under the 
guidance of this aim, in the most diverse fields of 
human experience and knowledge, are due his peculiar 

significance in the history of science. 


He was an anthropologist, but he studied human 
beings, not in artificial isolation, nor in respect merely 
of individual organs, such as the skull or the brain— 
he studied man as he always manifests himself, as the 
member of a community, man more or less perfectly 
adapted to his environment, and, in so far as he is 
imperfectly adapted, in conflict with the hostile forces 
of that environment. He studied especially the ill- 
adapted varieties of mankind, and those which lack 
the faculty of adaptation; and in this study he 
endeavoured to discover ‘‘ types.’’ . 

As a thinker, his nature resembled that of Spinoza. 
Like Schopenhauer, Buckle, Quetelet, and Vico, he was 
one of the most notable advocates of the determinist 
conception of society and of history. Looking far 
beyond the horizon of a merely economic view of 
human society, he sought and found the laws of 
development of human society rather in the laws 
of organic nature. 

Undoubtedly many of his ideas and tendencies are 
in harmony with the materialist conception of history, 
and for this reason we find many of his most dis- 
tinguished pupils and collaborators in the Marxian 
camp; but it was impossible that a man endowed as 
he was with an intuitive capacity for the understand- 
ing of the conception of the biological determination 
of social phenomena should be content to deduce the 
actions of individuals and the fate of a nation from 


the economic structure of the society in which the 
individual and national life are passed. 

In his conception of human life, determinism is, 
indeed, so self-evident a premise of research, that it 
is not even discussed, and is hardly so much as 
mentioned; in this respect Lombroso stands on the 
same platform with the supporters of the materialist 
conception of history. 

But the extent to which, in its detailed application, 
his biological determinism leads to different results 
from those which are the outcome of the economic 
determinism of the Marxians will best be shown by a 
specific illustration. 

This illustration relates to the elucidation of the 
causes of a tumult which occurred in Esthonia in the 
year 1905. The judge before whom the persons 
arrested during the suppression of the revolt have 
been brought wishes to discover who were the ring- 
leaders; the psychologist wishes to ascertain to what 
extent imitation, suggestion, or hypnotic automatism, 
has impelled certain ordinarily law-abiding citizens to 
take part in the disturbances; the editor of the local 
Marxian newspaper demonstrates the causes of the 
revolt by an analysis of capitalism in general, and of 
the economic and social characteristics of the govern- 
ment of the disturbed section; the reactionary polli- 
tician will consider that the fault lies in irreligion, in 
the disturbing effect of revolutionary agitation, and in 


the decline in the authority of a government in which 
constitutionalism has replaced absolutism, and whose 
punitive measures have lost their former repressive 
severity. But if Lombroso had been summoned to 
the prisons of Liebau, Riga, Dorpat, and Reval, and 
had been invited to ascertain the causes of the Letto- 
Esthonian jacquerie, he would have examined the 
meteorological records at the time of the disturbances ; 
would have inquired carefully regarding the racial 
origin of the persons arrested; would have looked for 
stigmata of degeneration in their physiognomy and 
physical characteristics, especially those of the skull ; 
would have noted how many epileptics, hysterics, 
lunatics, and alcoholics there were among them; 
would have distinguished the habitual vagrants and 
those with previous convictions. Among the women 
arrested during the jacquerie, he would have asked 
how many were menstruating at the time; he would 
have made a list of the adolescents entirely dominated 
by fanatical doctrines; a list of the agents provoca- 
teurs; a list of those instigated by feelings of 
personal animosity against the local landed gentry 
and their retainers. And when all this had been 
done, it is very doubtful if among the accused there 
would then remain any considerable residuum in 
whom an advocate of the materialist conception of 
history would be able to prove the existence of a purely 
economic determination to the offences with which 


they have been charged. And even if Lombroso, as 
is not improbable, should have found among those 
arrested or liable to arrest some disciples of Bebel or of 
Schonlank, his analysis of their inherited tendencies, 
their gynecological state, their sensibility and reflexes, 
the shape of their skulls and the extent of their visual 
fields, would ultimately bring to light determinants of 
their actions quite other than their acquired orthodox 
Marxism, which a jurist of the school of Plehve would 
have denounced as the vera causa, or sufficient reason, 
for their participation in the disturbance. 

In no other way can we obtain so clear an idea of 
Lombroso as a sociologist as from a study of his 
remarkable book on political criminals and revolu- 
tions.1 (See above, Chapter III., pp. 64-79.) 

Moreover, the manner in which he was led to 
undertake the writing of this work is in itself 
especially characteristic of his methods of investiga- 
tion.2 In the year 1884 there was an exhibition at 
Turin of the relics of those who fought for Italian 
freedom ; in this exhibition were to be seen likenesses 
of the originators and leaders of this movement, the 
men who worked and fought beside Mazzini, Garibaldi, 
and Cavour. It was the study of these physiognomies © 
that led Lombroso to draw his distinction between 

1 “T] delitto politico e le rivoluzioni,” Turin, Fratelli Bocea, 
1890. (A French translation of this work has been pub- 
lished. ) 

2 Archwio di psichiatria, vol. vi., p. 148, 1884. 


revolutionists and rioters, and led further to his 
general analysis of political criminals. This course is 
extremely characteristic of his method of research. 
Lombroso at all times and in all places starts from 
the immediate study of individuals, and proceeds 
thence to the formulation of general sociological 
theories. This method of procedure differentiates him 
as an isolated phenomenon among modern socio- 
logists ; but the method was that employed by Goethe 
and Lavater. 

To enable us to characterize more closely Lombroso’s 
method in sociology, let us quote from two of our 
greatest thinkers, Kant and Goethe. Kant writes: 
“Thoughts without contents are empty, intuitions 
without concepts are blind.” Goethe says (‘‘ Zur 
Morphologie,” p. 2): ‘“‘ To the man of understanding, 
to take note of the particular, to observe with pre- 
cision, to distinguish each from other, is in a sense 
that which arises out of an idea, and also that which 
leads up to an idea. Such a one has found his own 
way home through the labyrinth, without troubling 
himself about a clue which might have provided him 
with a more direct path; to such a one a piece of 
metal which has not been passed through the coining 
press, and whose value therefore is not apparent, 
seems a troublesome possession. He, on the other 
hand, who stands on higher ground is apt to despise 
the individual instance, and to comprise in a life- 


destroying generalization that which can possess life 
only in isolation.” 

In hardly any province of thought is the contrast 
thus characterized by the great morphologist and 
observer so clearly marked as in the science of 

Lombroso has described for us individual human 
beings to the number of many thousand, personally 
examined by himself in respect both of mental 
qualities and of bodily characteristics. In addition, 
we owe to him a number of personal descriptions of 
deceased celebrities—‘ pathographies,” as they have 
recently been termed; these comprise the vast 
material collected by him in his research into the 
nature of genius. His work on “ Cardanus” (Girolamo 
Cardano [Jerome Cardan], natural philosopher and 
physician, 1501-1575), published in 1855, when he was 
still a student, was the first modern pathography ; it 
contains the germ of Lombroso’s theory of_.genius. 

The use he is able to make of such individuals for 
the elucidation of sociological ideas is dependent upon 
his own peculiar gifts. He has an extraordinarily keen 
insight into whatever is important and characteristic 
in an individual; and his grasp of the significance of 
the facts thus obtained is due to his remarkable talent 
for the discovery of analogies. But if he had been 
endowed with this talent alone, a talent possessed also 
by the German natural philosophers of the beginning 


of the nineteenth century, he would not have gone 
beyond the formulation of mere hypotheses; but 
owing to his wealth of coinable metal (to use Goethe’s 
simile)—owing, that is to say, to his possession of a 
limitless abundance of intuitions peculiar to himself— 
he was able to pass beyond the simple formulation of 
brilliant hypotheses; his intuitive endowments enabled 
him to say with Bacon: ‘‘ Intellectum longius a rebus 
non abstrahimus, quam ut rerum imagines et radii 
(ut in sensu fit) coire possint.” 

Thus, clear perceptions, the utilization of analogy 
as an organon of research, a grasp of the important 
and characteristic elements of concrete phenomena— 
these are the means employed by Lombroso in 
sociological research. Superadded to these, there 
arose in him, as a result of his mental development, a 
strong conviction of the importance of enumeration 
and mensuration, inducing him to accumulate a 
colossal mass of data relating to all the subjects in- 
vestigated by him, to collect statistical data of anthro- 
pometry, demography, economic, moral, criminal, and 
social statistics. It was, moreover, a fact of great 
importance to the extension of sociological knowledge, 
that his collection of data was notably facilitated 
by brilliantly-grounded and brcadly-based official 
statistical inquiries instituted in Italy during the last 
_ three decades of the nineteenth century, and also by 

the results of comprehensive parliamentary investiga- 


tions. In the absence of the great “ Inchiesta 
Agraria”’ (Agrarian Investigation), his researches 
into the causes of pellagra, the widely-diffused and 
destructive disease affecting the agricultural labourers 
and small farmers of Northern and Central Italy, would 
hardly have been possible. Equally important for 
the anthropometrical researches which, when army 
surgeon in Calabria in the year 1862, he initiated 
upon the mixed population of that region (then con- 
taining no Latin admixture, but composed of Greek, 
Albanian, and Sicilio-African elements), was the 
publication of the recruiting statistics, by means of 
which it is comparatively easy to ascertain the racial 
composition of the Italian people; whilst to German 
anthropology and sociology this indispensable material 
is almost as inaccessible as are the Italian plans of 

Quantitatively considered, the greater part of 
Lombroso’s life-work has been devoted to the study 
of social phenomena bearing upon the fact that every 
society contains certain categories of pathological or 
abnormal individuals, whose behaviour has a dis- 
turbing influence upon the: regular social life. But 
however interesting and important in relation to 
the practical working of State and society may be 
the social interconnections thus brought to light, 
it is certainly not possible from the knowledge of 
these alone to deduce a system of sociology; for 


example, we do not obtain an adequate knowledge of 
the remarkable social phenomenon of prostitution 
simply by means of the biological study of the 
anomalies of a large number of individual prostitutes, 
and by the proof that these anomalies are analogous 
to those whose presence may be demonstrated in 
criminal types. For, although this explains the 
sociological fact of the existence of a supply of 
purchaseable sexual pleasure, it does not explain the 
existence of the demand for the same commodity. 
Lombroso was gradually induced, not only by the 
critical powers with which he was so richly endowed 
(and which led him repeatedly to the view that most 
of the phenomena he was investigating were produced 
by purely social factors), but, in addition, by the 
general tendency of his mind, to show, not merely 
that the existence of numerous abnormalities and 
degenerative varieties of mankind disturbs the life of 
society, but, further, that the political and economic 
development of the civilized nations gives rise to the 
appearance of abnormalities which themselves induce 
social reactions—and to demonstrate that these cannot 
be got rid of by reformatory measures, will not dis- 
appear with the removal of the cause, but lead to 
permanent biological individual variations, and, 
through inheritance, produce anomalies for genera- 
tions to come, and in this way give rise to long- 
enduring social injury or disturbance. 


In the first place it is to him that we owe the 
knowledge that a given social and economic order can 
give rise to transmissible biological anomalies, and 
that those who suffer from these anomalies, ill-adapted 
for any social and economic order, necessarily exercise 
a disturbing influence in society. It was not merely 
as a positivist that he was led to this view, but, above 
all, as an anthropologist. 

This knowledge is the most important contribution 
which Lombroso’s life-work has given to sociology. 

But it does not stand alone. 

The greatest of all his services to sociology is that 
he threw light upon the reciprocal action between the 
organic and the social phenomena of human evolution 
in respect of a number of important details ; but in 
doing this he avoided the onesidedness with which 
Marxism deduces the fate of the social organism from 
the economic basis of society, and avoided also the 
error of the dreamers who hope to explain the laws 
of social existence by regarding society as an organism 
similar to the mammalian organism, possessing dis- 
tinct organs, each with its own peculiar functions. 

Lombroso was very powerfully influenced by Dar- 
winism and by the evolutionary idea in general, more 
especially in the form elucidated by Herbert Spencer 
in his “‘ First Principles.” As anthropologist, indeed, 
as regards the question of the origin of man and 
man’s place in nature, he was a forerunner of 


Darwin!; but in respect of the manner in which 
he presents the reciprocal action between the organic 
and the social, he is quite free from the analogies 
and homologies which led such men as Schaeffle and 
Spencer so widely astray. It was quite inevitable 
that Lombroso’s sociological thought should be power- 
fully stimulated by the view of his opponents that 
law is a product of the intellectual, not of the organic 
life of mankind, and that therefore it was not nature 
that produced criminals, but social and national pro- 
cesses. Thus it became necessary for him to prove— 
as in my opinion he succeeded in doing—that nature 
makes the criminal, but that society provides the 
conditions in which the criminal commits crimes. 
Nature creates the criminal—and here Lombroso 
occupies the same ground as Spinoza and Schopen- 
hauer—inasmuch as it is through nature’s work that 
he comes to be born with predetermined tendencies 
of character—tendencies which are not altered after 
birth, but merely provided with opportunities for 
their manifestation. Lombroso identifies this pre- 
disposition of character with the so-called ‘‘ moral 
insanity,” and there is no objection to this, provided 
we exclude the idea of an acquired illness. Above 
all, he regards this predisposition as an arrest at 
an earlier stage of development, as an atavism. 
Lombroso always presupposes the acceptance of the 
1 See p. 33. 


“fundamental biogenetic law,’’! and for this reason 
is led to expect the occurrence of atavisms as the 
result of an arrest of development. Hence, what 
others speak of as degeneration is to him a patho- 
logical process leading to arrest of development. 

The course of his own mental development impelled 
Lombroso to take a further step, and to apply his 
customary methods to the study of the revolutionary, 
of the genius, of women, and of “ mattoids.” If we 
now take a comprehensive view of all this, we find 
that Lombroso’s principal contribution to sociology 
involves the recognition of the following facts : 

Organic nature, through the course of development, 
and under the influence of inhibitive or favourable 
factors, creates in the masses of individuals to which 
she gives birth differences and differentiations—differ- 
ences of sex, of intellectual and esthetic capacity, of 
character, etc. Thus she gives opportunity for the 
origination of certain social phenomena; for society 
offers a field abounding in opportunities for the 
activity of the most extensive differences of natural 
endowment. But society provides also selective 
factors, and thereby alters the constitution and 
composition of the materials furnished by nature 
in the most manifold variety. Thus, more or less 

1 The fundamental biogenetic law runs as follows: “The 
history of the foetus is a recapitulation of the history of the 
race, or, in other words, ontogeny is a recapitulation of phylo- 
geny.”—Haeckel, ‘The Evolution of Man,” Popular English 
Edition, p. 2. 


rapidly, the race undergoes modification. This recip- 
rocal action is the province in which nature and’ 
society meet, and in which social polity has to receive 
guidance from anthropology and biology. 

I consider that Lombroso has proved by a rigid 
induction that nature has endowed man at birth with 
social sentiments, or—which amounts to the same 
thing—with an organic predisposition, out of which, 
in the course of individual development, social senti- 
ments arise ; and that inheritance and foetal develop- 
ment determine whether the individual is in a position 
to guard and to further his own interests in the com- 
munal life without prejudice to the interests of the 
community. | 

In this connection he has most carefully investigated 
two special instances : first, that category of individuals 
who have needs and impulses incapable of satisfaction 
without severe injury to the interests of the com- 
munity or to the social standards—criminals and 
prostitutes; and secondly, those who consider that 
the permanent or future interests of the community 
cannot be secured without infraction of the traditional 
forms of social life, or, perhaps, without disregard of 
formal legal prohibitions, without ‘‘ breaking the 
old tables,’ without ‘‘ revaluation of old values ’— 
geniuses and “ political criminals.” 

He has, however, also demonstrated the fact that 
in relation to the rigidity—the formalism—with which 
the traditions of the social order have hitherto always 


been preserved, and will continue to be preserved in 
the future, society itself is not as a rule in a position 
to distinguish between the criminal and the useful 
revolutionary. This is made manifest by the study 
of the researches undertaken by Lombroso for his 
description of the political criminal (1890) and of 

anarchism (1849). His examination of the part 

played in social life by the political or social genius 
leads him to formulate a theory regarding the ac- 
celeration of social evolution. Genius brings to pass 
the revolution for which the way has been pre- 
pared by evolution; the criminal merely produces 

Thus, in my opinion, we owe to Lombroso the 
recognition of a fact of enormous importance— 
namely, that many disturbances and also many 
advances in social life (crime, genius, and revolution) 
are brought about, not by economic or other social 
influences, but by the natural variability of the 
species, homo sapiens. (Be it noted that Lombrogo 
contrasts with homo sapiens, homo delinquens ; while 
he classes the latter with homo neanderthalensis.) 
To the sociologist it is a matter of indifference 
whether certain classes of varieties are termed de- 
generative or not. About this point it is for the 
biologists to come to an agreement, but in doing 
so they must not ignore Lombroso’s anthropological 
and morphological researches. 

No detailed exposition is requisite to show how 


remote this method of causal explanation of social 
phenomena is from the hypothesis that refers the 
whole past course of social evolution to the class 
war, or regards the class war as the sole factor of 
importance in the making of the future. From the 
standpoint of Lombroso, a moral organization which 
would transform its advocates from fighters for the 
interests of the community to fighters for the exclusive 
interests of a class would be condemned simply as 
moral insanity. In his work on the anarchists he 
expresses himself in this sense (p. 16), here, indeed, 
with reference to the governments, which in their 
political activity are not concerned exclusively with 
the interests of a particular class. 

He has shown how nature produces socially im- 
portant differentiations altogether apart from the 
co-operation of socially causative factors. The most 
important of these differentiations, that between the 
two sexes, was described by him exhaustively in the 
first part of his work on the female criminal and the 
prostitute ; here, also, he discusses fully the signifi- 
cance of the natural organization of woman for social 

life in relation to motherhood. 
- His description of the natural organization of 
woman is only one part of the important contvri- 
butions of Lombroso to sociology. 

With regard to the natural differentiation of human 

1 For the reason that in such a moral scheme the true social 
nstinct is lacking. 


beings, his work is summarized in the succeeding 
paragraphs (I do not think it necessary to refer 
here to the numerous passages in his works in which 
he elaborates, in greater or less detail, the views I 
am about to describe; for my account is based, in 
addition, more especially upon the direct exchange 
of ideas, by word of mouth and by correspondence, 
during an intimacy of many years’ duration) : 

Human beings are differentiated—horizontally, as 
it were—into tribes and nations in consequence of 
original variability, in consequence of selective ceco- 
logical factors (soil and climate), and in consequence 
of wars, expulsions, and migrations. 

This differentiation—greatly influenced by social 
factors, such as colonization, miscegenation, etc.— 
becomes organic, and this organic differentiation is 
of very great social importance. 

In addition to this, there exists another kind of 
differentiation, which, to express it graphically, is 
vertical in character—viz., the formation of classes. 
This depends chiefly upon economic factors, which 
are competent to induce organic changes in isolated 
individuals, but not to lead to the formation of 
inheritable types—that is to say, of racial character- 
istics. As yet, at any rate, there is no inheritable 
type of homo industrialis, the proletarian.’ 

1 Tn his earliest great imaginative work, ‘The Time Machine,” 
Mr. H. G. Wells imagines in the distant future of our race such 


In addition to these two varieties of differentiation, 
there is yet a third kind, dependent upon purely 
Organic causation, giving rise continually to new 
types with a great tendency to inheritance: talent 
and genius, the criminal and the saint, the various 
intermediate stages of sexual differentiation, which 
permits of so many nuances in the intensity of mas- 
culinity and femininity in man and woman. These 
differences arise altogether independently of social 
factors—-Lombroso has never suggested the deliberate 
breeding of supermen—but they give rise to all- 
important disturbances and advances in social 

Finally, in Lombroso’s view, the social evils 
dependent mainly on economic factors—malnutrition, 
overwork, unemployment, overcrowding, town life, 
vagabondage, accidents, celibacy, venereal diseases, 
alcoholism, cachexia—give rise, through the process 
of reproduction, to the great army of degenerates, 
who lack the faculty of adaptation, and therefore give 
rise to further disturbances of social life, to ever- 
renewed infractions of social order. 

No other investigator has done as much as Lom- 
broso for the description and recognition, by means 

a differentiation into two types; the “ Morlocks,” the under- 
ground race, who had taken to preying on the above-ground 
moiety, were the descendants of our present proletarians.— 


of exact measurement and numeration, of the socio- 
logically important, non-ethnic varieties of the human 
Species, homo sapiens. Inspired by the great idea 
of evolution, he earnestly endeavoured to elucidate 
the most obscure secrets of organic life; but it 
was precisely by means of his profound knowledge 
and understanding of the organic realm that he was 
safeguarded from attempting to base his sociological 
thought upon the superficial analogy between the 
loose association of individuals in society and the 
intimate interconnection of the cells of a living 
organism by means of which they are all fused into 
@ unitary being. 

A question which appears to me to deserve con- 
sideration is whether Lombroso was an individualist 
or a socialist. It is well known that he exercised a 
very great influence upon many of the notable advo- 
cates of Italian socialism, both through his personality 
and by means of his writings; but I have shown 
more than once in what has gone before that he did 
nothing to support the doctrine of the class war, and 
Loria was the only thinker standing anywhere near 
the Marxian position who can be said, so far as I can 
ascertain, to have exercised a considerable influence 
upon Lombroso’s thought. Lombroso was never a 
party man.’ 

1 In 1899 he was chosen as municipal councillor by one of the 
working-class quarters of Turin, and sat for some years. In 


Lombroso was a passionate advocate of the rights 
of the expropriated classes, always a fearless opponent 
ever ready for battle, of all exceptional laws, and a 
firm believer in democracy; but he was as far re- 
moved from the onesided advocacy of any kind of 
class interest as he was from every apriorist inter- 
pretation of social life. 

I may, therefore, answer the question by saying 
that as an intellectual, and in his criticism of the 
present social order, Lombroso shows himself to be 
an individualist ; but, notwithstanding this, his feel- 
ings lead him to favour the socialist view, so that we 
find in his writings a sympathetic understanding of 
the humanist movement no less than of the process 
of emancipation in modern social evolution. 

We cannot discuss Lombroso as a sociologist without 
considering also his ideas and efforts in the field of 
social reform. 

We have seen that he rejects the class war and 
revolutionary methods as instruments of social re- 
form, but he is even less sympathetic towards parlia- 
mentary government,' and he expects valuable results 

- this position, however, he attracted public attention only by his 
successful resistance to a proposed large municipal loan for the 
purpose of building a great electric power station, to be driven 
by water-power.> 

1 Of parliamentary government he writes (“‘ Delitto politico,”’ 
p. 581): “ Parliamentary government, which has with justice 
been stigmatized as the greatest superstition of modern times, 


from those reforms only that are demanded and 
brought into effect by the public opinion of the time, 
and regarding whose necessity the majority of ae 
population is firmly convinced. 

Inasmuch as Lombroso was led to the study of 
socio-political questions chiefly by way of his interest 
in the world of crime, it will readily be understood 
that he was concerned with the construction of the 
legal order of society, and especially with criminal 
law, rather than with the construction of the economic 
order of society. For this reason we find in his 
writings few original ideas regarding industrial 

offers greater and ever greater obstacles to the introduction of a 
good method of government, so that, whilst the electors lose 
sight more and more of the high ideals of the State, some of the 
elected representatives obtain a freedom from responsibility 
which tends to the advantage of crime—which may, indeed, 
make of them occasional criminals, if they have not inherited 
the criminal nature. For five centuries Italy has fought for the 
abolition of the privileges of priests, feudal lords, and kings; 
and now in the name of freedom we endow 500 kinglets with 
inordinate privileges, and even free them from liability to 
prosecution for ordinary crime!” 

And of universal suffrage he writes: ‘In the general view, 
universal suffrage works for the abolition of class distinctions, 
but in the hands of the corrupt and the uncultured it may ey 
directly subversive of freedom. 

“Let us therefore advocate everything that can be for the 
advantage of the common people, but let us at the same time 
give these latter only so much power as may be necessary to 
wring from the upper classes the concessions needful for the 
good of the commonalty” (‘‘L’uomo delinquente: Cause e 
rimedii,” 1897, pp. 442, 443). 


problems and the emancipation of the working 
classes. During many years spent in Pavia and 
Pesaro he failed to come into contact in any way 
with capitalism and the greater industry. First in 
the industrial city of Turin did these phenomena 
force themselves upon his attention ; but in his earlier 
life, while still quite a young man, he was much 
occupied with the agrarian question; and he was 
one of the most. ardent opponents of the traditional 
tariff policy of Italy—a country in which the food 
of the people is very heavily burdened by excessive 
_ protectionist corn duties, enormous land taxation, 
and very high octroi (town dues), without any cor- 
relative advantage to the small tenant farmers, peasant 
proprietors, and agricultural labourers. 

The progress made by Lombroso in the field of 
social reform, in consequence of his coming into con- 
tact with modern industrialism in the city of Turin, 
is most clearly displayed by a comparison of the 
measures which he recommended in the year 1890 for 
the prevention of political crime, with the contents of 
the 200 pages which, in the year 1897, in the third 
volume of his work on ‘‘The Criminal Man,’ he 
devoted to the prophylaxis and therapy of criminality 
in general. ‘Two original ideas are to be found in 
both these works—viz., definite proposals for the 
decentralization of Italian national administration ; 

1 “T/uomo delinquente.”’ 


and proposals also for the constitution of a kind of 
popular tribunal, as a counterpoise to the excessive 
powers of parliamentary cliques. In addition, we find 
in Lombroso’s writings, at quite an early date—and 
apparently as an original idea—a suggestion for the 
establishment of public labour (employment) bureaus. 

I am not aware what Lombroso’s position was as 
regards the most recent conception among the 
methods of social reform—namely, the notion of 
“racial hygiene”; nor do I know what he thought 
of the demand associated with this notion for the 
deliberate breeding of supermen as the goal of the 
social politics of the future. 

Unquestionably he was one of the boldest revaluers 
of traditional values; and he was always a convinced 
advocate of the view that the inadequate powers of 
natural selection ought to be supplemented by the 
deliberate selection (exclusion from reproduction) of 
anti-social individuals. With this end in view he was 
ever the fearless champion of the death-penalty, which 
he designated “ estrema selezione.” Above all, he put 
before himself as the goal of his life-work the eleva- 
tion of criminal law and the application of improved 
methods for the treatment of criminals; freed from 
all metaphysical complexion, these should, he con- 
sidered, be numbered among the ultimate aims of 
social reform. Penal measures, in his view, are the 
sole safeguard of social evolution! As usual, in the 


case of medical men greatly interested in social reform, 
it is difficult to determine in Lombroso’s case where 
his demands for social reform end, and where the 
measures he claims as requirements of public hygiene 
begin ; speaking generally, whenever he touches on 
hygienic questions—as, for instance, in the matter of 
pellagra—he takes a comprehensive view, embracing 
also the preservation and improvement of the race. 
The campaign against the most destructive endemic 
disease of Italy—pellagra—was the first notable con- 
tribution to social reform made by Lombroso in the 
years of his early manhood. 

But to become a fanatical advocate of racial breed- 
ing, in the sense of Gobineau and Houston Chamber- 
lain, was rendered impossible to him by his recognition 
of the multiplicity of the population of Italy. No 
anthropologist was more intimately acquainted with 
the numerous and fundamentally different types in- 
habiting this country than was the discoverer of the 
mixed Africo-Hellene race of Calabria—the man who 
united in his own personality all the highest endow- 
ments of the Jewish spirit, and who from his study of 
the history of the Romance peoples of the Mediter- 
ranean region had learned to recognize the importance 
of the Semitic elements which have been intermingled 
in this region from the earliest dawn of history. 


Tue true significance of criminal anthropology is a 
matter with which few outside Italy have any real 
acquaintance, and least of all do those understand 
it who have most forcibly attacked Lombroso’s 
methods of work on account of their alleged defects. 
What is, then, the real significance of this doctrine ? 
It is not merely that it is the starting-point of the 
reform movement in criminal procedure, in penal 
methods, and in the theory of jurisprudence; this, 
indeed, accounts for its practical significance. But 
its importance reaches far beyond the traditional 
contest between the prosecuting counsel and the 
experts, as to whether, in the case of an individual 
accused person, responsibility is diminished or absent. 
In legal circles, Lombroso does not play the un- 
desirable réle of the alienisi who appeals to the 
prosecutor or to the judge with the assertion: ‘“‘ This 
man belongs to me, not to you, for he is a patient, an 

invalid.” But Lombroso, in the name of criminal 


anthropology, appeals to all those responsible for the 
enforcement of the criminal law in the following 
terms: “You are upon a false road. Neither the 
accused, nor the accuser, nor, finally, society at large, 
will be in the least helped or satisfied by your 
methods, by which you study the crime dialectically 
and inquisitorially, and endeavour to apportion the 
punishment to the degree of blame. Criminal anthro- 
pology is not satisfied with demanding, with Mittelstaedt 
and Kraepelin, that we should do away with imprison- 
ment, and abandon any attempt to measure out 
punishment. Criminal anthropology declares that 
the interest of society lies, not with the individual 
crime alone, but with the criminal. Every criminal 
is, in fact, even before the necessary social reaction 
has set in against him, or if may be on his behalf, 
the object of positive scientific study—+.e., of anthro- 
pological study. To ascertain whether his nature has 
been moulded by endogenous or by exogenous factors, 
to determine whether we have to do with a criminal 
nature (a born criminal), with an accidental or an 
occasional criminal, with an insane or a degenerate 
criminal, is the affair solely of positive science, of 
anthropology, with methods peculiarly its own.” Thus, 
when we rightly comprehend the life-work of Lom- 
broso, we see that it is completely erroneous to assert 
that the object of study of criminal anthropology is 
merely the born criminal, and that its content 


is solely the description and elucidation of his 
characteristics. | 

Everything belonging to inherited human nature, 
to the social structure, to the economic system and 
economic history, to justice, to geological, climatical, 
and meteorological conditions as determining factors 
of human conduct, all determinative cosmic processes 
—in short, the reciprocal action between the indi- 
vidual and his environment in the widest possible 
sense, and the precise determination of the socially 
important characters of the individual—all these are, 
for Lombroso, the subject-matter of anthropology ; 
and if a conflict arises between the individual (thus 
influenced) and the traditional rights or interests of 
society, they are the subject-matter of criminal 
anthropology. Criminal anthropology would, and 
must, exist, even if the idea of responsibility, and 
the psychological and legal decisions and traditions 
based upon that idea, were non-existent. 

A broad-minded general review of the necessity 
and the causal connection, in consequence of which 
inheritance from nearer and more remote ancestors 
determines the nature of the individual from his 
entrance into the world, and of the inescapable in- 
fluences which the world-all as a unity and as a 
totality, and also through the individual forces of 
organized matter and highly organized human society, 
exercises on the individual, so that the latter is com- 


pelled to act in whatever manner the operation of 
these forces determine, whilst all the time he is under 
the illusory belief that he desires so to act, and is 
liable to be blamed for his actions—this view of the 
év xal av, of the totality of the cosmic process, inter- 
permeated throughout by the spirit of life, and in 
whose eternal unity and endless manifoldedness the 
differences between normal and abnormal, healthy and 
unhealthy, would seem utterly without importance— 
this is the positive view of the world, which from the 
very beginning guided Lombroso in his researches. 
I do not propose to consider at any length the question 
whether this view involves certain dogmatic assump- 
tions. I myself do not think so. In any case, it is to 
this view of the world we owe the overwhelming 
accumulation of facts which, between the years 1845 
and 1860, was effected in the different fields of natural 
science. We may also draw attention to the manner 
in which the growth of positivism was accompanied 
by a development of the industrial arts and by the 
consequent transformation of economic life. In a 
brief Appendix to this work an account is given of the 
facts discovered during this period—one characterized 
by a temporary realism in politics and by the develop- 
‘ment of a realistic and naturalistic art and poetry, 
and remarkable also for discoveries in chemistry and 
physics, with consequent important practical applica- 
tions. Thus, for example, the new idea regarding 


man’s place in Nature (involving also a new idea of 
man’s relationship to his social environment) led to a 
new artistic method of representing humanity. 

In this period, the time of Lombroso’s youth—that 
of the maturity of Moleschott, Darwin, R. Mayer, 
Bunsen, Lyell, Pfliiger, and Helmholtz—it was pos- 
sible to gain some respect for facts, the enormous 
accumulation of which had overwhelmed those who 
were playing at “natural philosophy” during the 
two preceding generations. Positive facts, in an 
abundance known to no previous and to no subse- 
quent period in history, were the foundation of 
positivism, which then became a principle of investiga- 
tion and of explanation. Upon this foundation, and 
with the aid of this principle, criminal anthropology 
was erected. From far-reaching conceptual analyses, 
and even from distinct definitions, Lombroso was 
preserved, because he accepted as a fact only that 
which had definitely been observed, whether as 
object or as process. His respect for facts was 
boundless. It is ridiculous to reproach him with not 
having personally observed every single fact of which 
he makes use. Read his books, and see the enor- 
mous mass of statistical material requisite for his re- 
searches. Wide general conclusions can be reached by 
no other road than that of statistics (see above, p. 10). 

It must be freely admitted that Lombroso, in his 
continuous hunger for material, in his insatiable, 


unresting desire for new, important, rich, and rare 
facts—a greed of the intellect from which nothing 
was more remote than mere sensationalism—did not 
confine his attention to matters directly observed by 
himself, nor was he always satisfied with statistically 
registered details, but frequently utilized facts of a 
singular nature—inadequately warranted facts, which, 
on the face of the matter, should have been more 
strenuously verified. Among these are certain anec- 
dotes from the lives of celebrated men. To the same 
_ category belongs his credulous acceptance as facts of 
the processes observed by him in his “‘ spiritualistic ” 
experiences. This is a matter to which further refer- 
ence will be made in a later chapter. 

Lombroso’s positivism had one consequence of great 
importance to criminal anthropology. ‘‘ Anthro- 
pology,” in his view, embraced all the facts which, 
proximately or remotely, determine the being and 
life of man. But he had a preference for observing 
and utilizing states—i.e., persistent facts—in place of 
observing and utilizing processes. Thus it happened 
that Lombroso’s all-embracing anthropology, which 
was far more comprehensive than anthropology as 
understood by Virchow, Broca, and Mantegazza, 
availed itself more frequently and more thoroughly of 
- anthropometrical and descriptive data than of the 
results of experiment, which must first be planned 
and then registered, whereas congenital or acquired 


physical characters are always ready for observation,’ 

and may easily be submitted. to serial study and to 
statistical treatment. He had little inclination for the 
clinical observation of transient, morbid processes, 
although he did not disregard this field. In spite of 
his conviction that mental disorders are diseases of 
the brain, he did not regard the brain as something 
which man carries about in his skull as he carries his 
watch in his pocket; he studied the sick brain of an 
acute maniac in its organic connection with the 
entire life-process, in its dependence upon the social 
conditions of life, in its subordination to hereditary 
influences—and this inheritance he was accustomed 
to trace back to the first beginnings of organic life, 
regarding man as the final product of a cosmic causal 
chain. Thus, to him the permanent documents, 
the “stigmata,” in which these resultant effects of 
remote causality find a universal and permanent 
expression, necessarily seemed to him to be of greater 
importance than the transient phenomena of clinical 
observation. The ‘‘ types,” the categories of criminals, 
of geniuses, pseudo-geniuses, and cretins, must, he 
considered, be more worthy of observation than the 
impulses to speech and movement of the maniac or 
the katatonic. So, also, he was fascinated by 
epilepsy, by the trance state of “spiritualistic” 
mediums, exhibiting in a high degree phenomena 
always alike, always recurring in the same manner, 


whereas the internal processes in the psyche which 
eluded objective research attracted his observation 
less, although he was one of the first who appreciated 
at its true value Fechner’s idea of psycho-physics. 

Moreover, the phenomena of experimental physio- 
logy and pathology, which would otherwise have 
been most interesting to him, were rendered inac- 
cessible to him in consequence of the elaborate 
technicalities of the pathological and clinical labora- 
tories. To this category belong racial variability, the 
hereditary influence of social factors upon social 
predisposition, the influence of the constitution of the 
soil, of climate, and of the seasons, upon the most 
diverse manifestations of human activity, and the 
significance of cosmic factors.. The inevitable result 
of this was that German biology, and, above all, 
German psychiatry, which endeavoured to unriddle 
everything, either at the bedside of the living patient 
in the hospital or in the brain of the deceased patient 
in the laboratory, did not understand, and could not 
understand, what Lombroso was really driving at 
with his anthropology. 

Now let me attempt to summarize the matter in a 
few words. Lombroso’s mind was permeated with 
the idea of the unity of a universe under the dominion 
of strict law, of an invariable uniformity of principle 
throughout the world, within which the human being 
is subjected to laws identical with those to which 


crystals, plants, and lower animals are subordinated ; 
and the understanding of these laws could, he was con- 
vinced, be obtained only by the establishment of posi- 
tive facts. In so far as these facts relate to human 
beings, they comprise in their totality the science of 
anthropology. | 

Certain human actions by which the safety of 
society is endangered are no less determined than is 
the secretion of the urine or the heart’s beat. It is a 
stupid blunder to allow the social reaction in response 
to such actions to depend upon the blameworthiness 
of the offender. The social reaction has one purpose, 
and one only—the safety of society. Anthropology, 
utilizing all the methods at its disposal, will throw 
light on the determining causes of anti-social actions, 
and thus by anthropology we shall be guided in our 
choice of means for the preservation of social security. 

That this view forbids us even to moot the idea of 
‘responsibility ’’ is perfectly obvious.’ Thus it gives 
us no basis whatever for establishing or denying 
responsibility in the individual instance, or of deter- 
mining its extent if it exists. Lombroso provides a 
scale of measurement neither for punishment nor for 

1 See also R. Sommer, Kriminalpsychologie, 1904, p. 6 et 
seq. It may be mentioned that Sommer, in the spirit of 
positive science, has discovered methods by which psychomotor 

processes, some of which possess great crimino-psychological 
importance, may be rendered objectively cognizable. 



LomBroso’s occupation with the problem of criminals 
and crime extended far beyond the bounds of criminal 
anthropology. He was led in this direction, in part 
by the need for the establishment of a purely anthro- 
pological characterization of the world of crime, and 
in part by his controversies with lawyers, philosophers, 
and psychiatrists, by which he was enabled to study 
other categories of criminal than the “‘ born criminal”’ 
—categories whose existence he had never denied. 
Opportunities for investigation in this new field were 
offered him in the year 1876, when he removed to 
Turin—a city in which psychiatric studies were very 
actively pursued—by his observations as surgeon to 
the Turin prison for the detention of prisoners await- 
ing trial, and by a very exhaustive study of penal 
literature, by which he was led very speedily to 
formulate a system for the reform of criminal law 

and penal methods. He soon found himself in the 


position of chief of a school of criminology, whose 
influence made itself felt in Parliament, in the Courts, 
and in foreign countries. In Italy not long after, in 
the year 1880, Enrico Ferri, being appointed Professor 
of Criminal Jurisprudence in Bologna, gave his powerful 
support to Lombroso, and there resulted a rapid suc- 
cession of works upon the insane criminal, the epileptic 
criminal, the criminal by passion, the habitual 
criminal; and the occasional criminal, which, in the 
year 1888, were published as the second volume of 
**L’uomo delinquente.’’ The progress of Lombroso’s 
ideas as chief of a ‘‘ School of Positive Criminology,”’ 
from the year 1879, when he had become firmly 
established in Turin, to the year 1894, is indicated by 
his writings upon punishment, upon the increase of 
crime in Italy, upon the proposals for a new code of 
criminal law, and upon political crime and the 

In the middle of this fruitful period of twelve years 
(1884) was published Ferri’s “‘ Sociologia Criminale,” 
and about the same time the reformatory and etio- 

1 “Della pene” (R. Instituto Lombardo, Rendic, second 
series, vol. viii., pp. 993-1005, 1875); “Sull’ incremento del 
delitto in Italia e sui mezzi di arrestarlo,’’ Turin, 1879 ; Troppo 
presto. “ Appunti al nuovo pregetto di codice penale,” Turin, 
1888; “Il delitto politico e le rivoluzioni,” Turin, 1890. In 
addition, there was founded in the year 1880, in association with 
Ferri and Garofalo, the Archivio di psichiatria, ‘* Scienze penali 
ed antropologia criminale”’ (Turin, E. Loescher). 


logical ideas of Lombroso began to influence the 
Italian lawyers; and, notwithstanding the violent 
protests of the advocates of the “classical” juris- 
prudence (Lucchini, Brusa, Gabelli, and others), the 
Italian Attorney-General, Baron Garofalo, in the year 
1885, displayed his adhesion to the ideas of the 
Positive School by the publication of his ‘‘ Crimino- 

In Germany there soon followed the celebrity of 
Mittelstaedt’s book, “Gegen die Freiheitsstrafe ” 
(‘‘ Against Imprisonment ’’) (Leipzig, 1879). This was 
speedily followed by the yet more modern and humane 
work of Kraepelin, ‘‘ Die Abschaffung des Strafmasses ”’ 
(Stuttgart, 1880), an echo in many respects of the 
ideas of Garofalo and Lombroso. 

In Kraepelin’s book it is impossible to overlook the 
influence of Lombroso’s ideas; and the same influence 
can be traced also in Von Liszt’s ‘‘ Lehrbuch des 
Deutschen Strafrechts” (‘‘ Textbook of German 
Criminal Jurisprudence’’), of which the first edition was 
published in 1881 ; but it could be foreseen that in the 
psychiatric and legal circles of Germany, this influence | 
would be indirect and limited. I was myself convinced 
of this fact at the time when, in the year 1886, after 
long study of the writings of the Italian school, I had 
resolved to do my best to diffuse the views of that 
school in Germany, both verbally and in writing. 

It is not possible to give a detailed account here of 


the diffusion of the ideas and methods of the “‘ New 
School” outside Italy. The conservatism which in- 
evitably results from a legal education gave rise to 
violent opposition on the part of lawyers in Itgly, as 
well as elsewhere. It was, therefore, above all, 
necessary to approach the scientific leaders of the 
legal circles with the ideas of the ‘“‘ New School ” of 
criminology. In this respect it was a fact no less 
impressive than useful that Lombroso, at the outset 
of his activity as chief of a school, published in the 
year 1881, in the first number of Von Liszt’s Zeitschrift 
fiir die gesamte Strafwissenschaft (Journal of Crimino- 
logy), an article upon the origin, the essence, and the 
aims of the new criminal anthropological school in 
Italy. In this article he insists upon the importance 
of the different causes of criminality, its anthropo- 
logical, social, and cosmic factors, upon the aim of 
repression as a means of social self-defence, and upon 
the importance of the substitutes for punishment 
(‘‘ sostituoi penali’’), and the reforms necessary in 
the application of punishment. Finally, he deals 
with the “ positive” character and the inductive 
methods of the new school. 

Professor van Hamel describes this article as ‘‘ The 
entrance of the positive school and of its founder, 
Lombroso, into the legal world through its chief 
portal—i.e., the German portal,’’ which was opened to 
him by Von Liszt. Van Hamel’s intention was to 


indicate the great importance attached at the outset 
by lawyers of the first rank to the introduction of 
modern criminology into the circle of the legal 
sciences. Van Hamel continues in the following 
terms: ‘‘Some years after this there ensued the 
foundation of l’Union Internationale de Droit Pénal, 
whose statutes have been recognized as providing the 
basic principles alike for criminological science and 
for practical penal methods.” 

Since I estimate at a very high value Lombroso’s 
importance in relation to the origin and growth of the 
present international movement for the reform of our 
penal methods, I may be allowed to quote further 
from the learned Van Hamel, and to join with him in 
saying, in this connection: ‘‘ Differences in matters of 
detail affect in no way the uniformity of principles. 
Such differences must, indeed, be regarded, not merely 
as inevitable, but positively as advantageous. They 
are inevitable owing to the differences in human 
temperament and in national character. They are 
advantageous because, owing to their existence, new 
ideas will find their way into acceptance in certain 
forms, when, if they had sought acceptance in other 
forms, they would certainly have been rejected. 

Differences of detail must never lead us to overlook 
uniformity of principle, nor to overlook the common 
origin of ideas thus differing in matters of detail. 
The advocates of the modern penal methods must 


never forget that these owe their very existence to the 
positive school of Italian thought.” 

How did it happen that Lombroso, the anthro- 
pologist and psychiatrist, was led to a criticism of the 
science of law? He had discovered intuitively, and 
believed he could establish inductively, the fact 
that there exist ‘‘born criminals” or ‘criminal 
natures.’’ His whole course of mental development— 
viz., the fact that he was strongly influenced by the 
evolutionary theories of Vico and Marzolo, by the 
English utilitarians, by the French positivists, and, to 
some extent also, by the German materialists of the 
middle of the nineteenth century—had induced the 
conviction that the first object of punishment should 
be the protection of society, and the second the 
improvement of the criminal. It was for these 
purposes, he considered, that law had come into 

This work, whose aim it is to describe Lombroso, 
the man and the investigator, is not the place in 
which to describe his influence upon the Italian 
school of positive penology, or to describe the sub- 
sequent development of that school and its further 
influence upon the legislation and penal methods of 
the civilized nations. Science grows slowly; .the 
study of the causes of crime demands time and 
patience, brings disillusionment, and leads to ever- 
fresh restatements of the old problems. The zeal of 


the reformer finds it difficult to tolerate the gradual 
transformation of the old machinery. He wishes at 
one stroke to rejuvenate old institutions, to sweep 
away the old rules. But science, which has to pro- 
vide a basis for his efforts, is in its nature patient. 
The reformer’s zeal, which has to construct the new 
edifice, is not patient. Lombroso was to learn this 
from personal experience. It was not possible for 
him to remain at the standpoint of 1876. And, as 
reformer, he himself experienced many changes, 
especially as a result of his investigations into the 
categories of the criminal by passion, the habitual 
criminal, the occasional criminal, the criminaloid, the 
criminal lunatic, and the epileptic criminal. 

He and his school, in their efforts at reform, 
worked along two main lines: first, the reform of 
practical penal methods; and, secondly, the systema- 
tization of the general theory of punishment. 

The efforts of this school in relation to the system 
of punishment and the reform of penal methods are 
too well known for it to be needful to give here even 
the brief summary for which alone we should have 
space. But it is important to point out that the 
Italians, under Lombroso’s guidance, resolutely at- 
tacked the penal dogmas of the day, which it was 
necessary to overthrow before a reform of penal 
methods in the sense of social defence could possibly 
be effected. I shall merely make especial reference 



to the powerful influence for good exerted by the 
positive school in the direction of the amelioration 
and humanization of the horrible function of punish- 
ment, which represses so many crimes, but at the 
cost of so much suffering and of such numerous errors. 

Lombroso gradually came to believe that no useful 
purpose is effected by the provision of a great national 
apparatus intended to improve that which is unim- 
provable—i.e., the criminal nature; and that society 
could not be effectively safeguarded against its per- 
manently dangerous members—vi.e., the criminal 
natures—by means of protective measures of a 
transient duration. 7 

Being thoroughly convinced of the existence of 
criminal natures, and being, as a utilitarian, hostile 
to all metaphysics, ii was inevitable, when he came 
to consider the fundamental aim of the institutions 
of law and the State, that he should be led to 
reject all methods of treating criminal natures which 
did not involve their complete removal or lifelong 
exclusion from the life of free society. Thus, a large 
proportion of his subsequent life was spent in endless 
controversies directly against the traditional legal 
systems and institutions which did not harmonize 
with the position he had taken up. He did not 
seek these controversies, but he could not and would 
not attempt to avoid them. Throughout them, how- 
ever, he remained the anthropologist, the collector 


and investigator in the wide field of the natural 
history of mankind, one more interested in studying 
the origin of the socially significant varieties of man- 
kind, of which civilized man is one, than in the 
description of the differential characters of the races 
of mankind now living in various parts of the world 
—although investigations in this latter field were by 
no means repugnant to him. 

Lombroso’s great synthetic studies of the natural 
history of the criminal came to an end in the year 
1902, with the publication of the German edition 
of his book upon the Causes and Prevention of Crime. 
Some months later appeared a work by Aschaffenburg 
on Crime and its Prevention. Even after 1902 Lom- 
broso continued to write upon this subject, more 
especially in his periodical devoted to criminal anthro- 
pology; and down to the last year of his life he 
followed closely the progress of international research 
in this field. But it seems to me that the book of 
1902, published at the close of thirty years’ work, 
marks the end of his inner development, whilst the 
Congress for Criminal Anthropology held in the year 
1906, in which he was able to hold a review of his 
disciples, co-workers, friends and rivals, gave a fitting 
outward conclusion to his career, when he had already 
passed his seventieth year. 

During the last years, and, above all, during 
the last months of Lombroso’s life, a tendency to 


pessimism became clearly manifest; and this ten- 
dency was, owing to his peculiar organization, closely 
connected with a strong bent towards mystic con- 
templation. But this, in my opinion, has no bearing 
whatever upon his crimino-anthropological researches. 
His doctrine of the ‘born criminal” was in no way 
based upon a pessimistic foundation. In the field of 
social reform, including criminology, he was definitely 
optimistic. The weak, the sick, and the degenerate, 
were regarded by him at once with the objectivity 
and the philanthropy of the born physician. It was 
only in his moral valuation of the genius, and of the 
great condottieri and conquistadores of modern indus- 
trial life, that he lacked mildness; indeed, in this 
latter respect he rather inclined to severity. 

During the period 1879 to 1894 were held the first 
three International Congresses of Criminal Anthro- 
pology; and the same period was signalized by 
numerous other performances of Lombroso, which 
served for the propagation, the development, and the 
application of his ideas. ‘Thus it happened that he 
was forced to leave the quiet of the laboratory and 
the study ; the greatest publicity was gained for the 
“new school”; and the investigator who, until the 
age of one-and-forty, had lived at Pavia, remote from 
the world, became involved in unending controversy. 
By the best elements of Italian political radicalism 
Lombroso was now regarded as leader; and a little 


later also, during the years 1880 and 1890, through 
the support of the slowly developing Marxist School of 
Socialism,! Lombroso found himself leader in a move- 
ment at first dominated entirely by “intellectuals.” It 
soon appeared that the retired and modest investigator 
was none the less a formidable opponent, whose voice 
could make itself heard in all the great questions 
of public life, and far beyond the bounds of Italy. 
I need mention here only the two great epidemics 
of anarchism and anti-Semitism, whose flood-tide fell 
in this period between 1880 and 1892. 

Lombroso was a man of harmonious type, a radical 
through and through, one who could not understand 
that anyone who had once grasped a truth should 
be induced to conceal it from social class-considera- 
tions. What those may have to suffer who are ill- 
adapted for the utterance of half-truths, and who 
are averse from compromise, Lombroso had learned 
when he came to publish his researches into the 
cause of pellagra, the characteristic endemic disease 
of Northern Italy. 

Pellagra is a chronic disease in Northern and 
Central Italy, which gives rise to extensive disturb- 
ances of digestion and to cutaneous and nervous 
disorders, and frequently leads to severe mental 
disturbance. In Lombroso’s view it results from 

1 See above, p. 124 et seq. 


the frequent use of damaged maize, containing toxins, 
which is consumed by the peasantry of Northern and 
Middle Italy in the form of polenta and maize bread, 
whilst the ground landlords and their bailiffs live 
upon the better qualities of maize produced by the 
same peasants. I may quote here a passage from 
the Preface to my German translation of Lombroso’s 
book on pellagra : 

“This book is the result of researches which I 
have pursued for twenty-nine years, often amid very 
tragic surroundings—tragic for the reason that from 
these researches alone I am able to show how human 
nature strives against every step towards progress, 
and regards it almost as a crime. In Italy it is a 
secret to no one that my attempt to show, in op- 
position to the dominant doctrine, and upon the 
foundation of numerous experiments, that pellagra 
results from intoxication with damaged maize, aroused 
so much hostility—I may almost say so much scandal— 
in the majority of Italian hygienists and psychiatrists, 
that in consequence of this my reputation as a prac- 
tising physician, as an investigator, and ultimately 
also as a teacher, was severely shaken. The cause 
of this bitter opposition is perhaps to be found in the 
greater cleverness of my opponents, who regarded my 
energetic advocacy of the new theory in the light of 
a personal attack, whereas ii was really the conse- 
quence of my too earnest conviction, and of the 


thought that it was only in this way that I could 
hope to save thousands and tens of thousands from 
being unnecessarily sacrificed. But a greater cause 
of opposition was undoubtedly the hatred of novelty 
—that deep-rooted passion common to all humanity. 
At first, indeed, it seemed to me as if the truth must 
always conquer, and conquer quickly, since in this 
case it was an obvious truth, one easy to prove, and 
a very natural one. Nor do I doubt that ultimately 
the truth will inevitably prevail, for the cleverest 
machinations must in the end recoil from the granite 
walls they endeavour to overthrow. But he who 
believes that this will occur at once and universally 
is one who knows little of human nature. Indeed, 
we must expect the contrary, for all truths which can 
only be proved by means of a long series of experi- 
ments or by long-continued observations rarely fail 
to encounter an almost insuperable obstacle; and 
when, in addition, economic class-interests stand in 
the way—when these co-operate with the influence 
of custom, of inheritance, and of natural human 
short-sightedness—then woe to the innovator. As 
Macaulay said, if the Newtonian law had been 
opposed to any class-interest, there would have been 
no lack of opposition to the doctrine of universal 

It was in the prolonged struggle for his professional 
life with the powerful interests he had challenged by 


the publication of his discovery of the cause of 
pellagra that Lombroso became hardened and com- 
pletely insensitive to the detraction which is always 
manifested so freely when scientific truths are dis- 
pleasing to the economic or political powers-that-be.? 

1 In view of the fact that shortly after the death of Lombroso 
it was widely asserted both in the medical and the lay Press of 
this country and of the United States that Lombroso’s views 
regarding the nature of pellagra had recently been shown to be 
erroneous, I wrote to Dr. Kurella for further information. He 
replied as follows: “On receipt of your letter, I wrote to an 
Italian colleague to inquire of him what were the views 
presently held regarding the etiology of pellagra. He informs 
me that the majority of experimental pathologists in Italy 
remain convinced of the truth of Lombroso’s views. He also 
refers me to this year’s (1910) Wiener Klinische Wochenschrift, 
No. 28, p. 963, where there is an article by Raubitschek, an 
Austrian experimenter, who claims to have confirmed Lom- 
broso’s theory by means of experiments on rats.” 

Unquestionably, therefore, numerous investigators, both in 
Italy and elsewhere, hold fast by one form or other of the 
zeist theory of the etiology of pellagra, which Lombroso 
believed himself to have established beyond the possibility of 
refutation. But during the past year this theory has, never- 
theless, been largely discredited. In the Lancet of February 12, 
1910, will be found the report of the Pellagra Investigation 
Commission, in which some of the alternative hypotheses are 
discussed. Dr. Sambon was despatched by this Commission in 
charge of the Pellagra Field Commission in Italy, and in an 
editorial note in the British Medical Journal of May 21, we are 
told that a telegram had been received from Dr. Sambon, under 
date of May 138, stating ‘‘ The Commission has definitely proved 
that maize is not the cause of pellagra; the parasitic conveyor 
is the Simuliwm reptans.” It is probable that the matter will 
soon be definitely settled, and it cannot be denied that pellagra 
presents many analogies with other endemic disorders due to 


Thus it was that Lombroso was forced into the 
arena of public life, and although he did not become 
definitely attached to any particular party, he never 
ceased to attack half- measures and corruption 
wherever he encountered them. When the political 
corruption under the rule of Crispi led to the 
bread-riots at Milan in 1898, the people had an 
opportunity of experiencing the use of rifle-fire by 
the apostles of “‘ order”; and the dictatorial powers 
usurped during these weeks were utilized for the 
banishment of troublesome political opponents, or 
to bring about their disappearance in prison—the 
methods of South American experts in the pursuit 
of political power being freely followed. The name 
of Lombroso was upon the list of the proscribed, 
but they did not dare to lay hand upon him; just 
as in Russia five years ago the authorities did not 
dare to touch Tolstoy, notwithstanding his direct 
challenge to the Czar.1 Thus it was to the struggles 
amid which he was precipitated by his investigations 
into the nature of pellagra that Lombroso owed the 
development of his nature as a fighter, which enabled 
him to withstand the most violent scientific and 
political opponents of his theory of the “born 

protozoal infection conveyed by the bite of a blood-sucking 
1 See the translation of Count Tolstoy’s pamphlet, ‘‘ The 

Hanging Czar,” published by the Independent Labour Party.— 


criminal.” Experiences of life even more bitter 
than those of Ibsen’s ‘‘ Enemy of the People” were 
met by Lombroso in a spirit of lofty stoicism. 

Owing to his struggle to establish the truth of his 
views regarding the cause and prevention of pellagra, 
Lombroso suffered from a recurrence of the economic 
struggles which had embittered his childhood and 
youth. The powerful agrarian interests of Lombardy 
and Venice established a boycott against Lombroso 
as a physician amongst the well-to-do middle class 
and also in the medical circle of Northern Italy; 
and as a result of this his consulting practice, which 
had hitherto been enormous, and his resulting com- 
fortable circumstances, and therewith also the means 
he needed for the prosecution of his researches, were 
all swept away. ‘‘Cause and Prevention ’’—these 
two words sum up the whole life-work of this 
man. Cause and prevention of pellagra, of crime, 
of anarchism, prostitution, anti-semitism, political 
corruption, self-interested parliamentarism; cause 
and prevention of lying, hypocrisy, oppression and 
exploitation—these were the tasks to which Lombroso > 
devoted his whole life, and which he prosecuted with- 
out rest and without fear, until at length, after so 
many struggles, a comprehensive understanding and 
a calm, mature wisdom finally led him to recognize 
the manner in which the evils affecting society are 
inseparably associated with wealth and civilization. 


The investigation into the nature of pellagra was 
of enormous importance to the Italians, who con- 
tinued to suffer severely from this evil down to the 
present day. We might be justified here in giving 
a detailed account of these studies, because it was 
in them that Lombroso, above all, showed him- 
self to be a careful experimenter—an experimental 
pathologist of the first rank. But from the point of 
view of this book, the significance of these investiga- 
tions and struggles lies, not so much in the enrich- 
ment and development of his knowledge—not so 
much, that is to say, in the intellectual sphere—as in 
the light they throw upon the man’s intimate lite, and 
upon his character. 

In my concluding chapter I shall give some account 
of the means employed by those whose interests were 
affected by Lombroso’s discoveries (in co-operation 
with those to whom, as a self-taught man, and one 
outside the official and professorial ring, he was an 
object of dislike) to annihilate this obnoxious investi- 
gator. To the extent of depriving him of his means 
of livelihood in Pavia, they were to a large extent 
successful. But after a struggle lasting thirty years, 
Lombroso’s intoxication theory of pellagra has been 
finally victorious, and has been officially recognized 
by the Italian Government. Moreover, this theory 
has been confirmed by the most recent investigations 
of Tirelli, Pellizzi, Gosio, and Ferrati, although other 


toxins of damaged maize are now considered to be of 
greater importance than the one to which Lombroso 
gave the name of “‘ pellagrozein.”’ 

Lombroso’s proposals in the province of agrarian — 
reform were in part of a purely technical nature, and 
in part based upon a profound (and in his day, at 
least, well-grounded) distrust of the rival factions in 
the Italian parliament. At one time he went so far 
as to believe that nothing could be done to save the 
peasants and small farmers from pellagra, as long as 
they remained in their North Italian homes; and 
he recommended a wholesale emigration to North 

It is not improbable that Lombroso, notwithstand- 
ing the universality of his talents and his enormous 
historical acquirements, would, in better pecuniary 
circumstances, have confined himself to the study of 

1 In view of this advice, it is interesting to note that I have 
just received a medical periodical published in the United States, 
from which I learn that during the winter of 1909-1910 the 
Romance and Slav population of the towns of the Mississippi 
States has been extensively ravaged by pellagra. As late as the 
year 1908, in the great American textbook, Osler’s “ Principles 
and Practice of Medicine,” we learn that pellagra “ has not been 
observed in the United States !” | 

TRANsLATOR’s Note.—Dr. Kurella writes to me to the follow- 
ing effect: “‘I remember twenty-five years ago, in asylums both 
in Pennsylvania and in Illinois, finding’ cases of pellagra, with 
the characteristic skin-lesions, in addition to the mental disorder. 
But my American colleagues then ridiculed my diagnosis.” 


comparative philology and to the associated field of 
psychology. It was to these studies that he was 
principally attracted in youth, and his acquaintance 
with Marzolo further impelled him in this direction ; 
but precisely because of his poverty he was compelled 
to abandon a career of learning, and to choose a 
means of earning his bread. For six years he worked 
as an army surgeon on the battle-field, in the cholera 
hospital, and in a small garrison town; until, finally, 
in the problems of the psychical life of the criminal, 
the lunatic, and the genius, this born collector of 
human documents found within the domain of the 
medical profession, whose humane duties he fulfilled 
unweariedly as prison surgeon, a field in which his 
intellect could exercise its powers, in which his char- 
acter could manifest its strength, and in which his 
temperament could display its treasures of modesty, 
love of humanity, and inexhaustible patience. 

At length, however, this ‘‘ enemy of the people,” 
this audacious formulator of hypotheses, this innovator 
and rebel, found himself in advanced life recognized 
by his fellow-countrymen as a benefactor, by his 
colleagues as the pride of their national science, and 
by his King as the enlightener of his country.? 

1 Among other tributes to Lombroso may be mentioned those 

which he received at the International Congress of Criminal 
Anthropology, held at Turin in the year 1906. 



I REMARKED before that almost every one of Lombroso’s 
books might have as its title, ‘“‘The Cause of, and 
Prevention of —————.”’ One exception must, how- 
ever, be made to this generalization, or perhaps two. 
The first of these relates to his book upon “ The 
Man of Genius,”! and the second to his work 
‘**Pensiero e meteore,’? in which were collected his 
researches into the cosmic and telluric influences that 
determine human actions. 

To speak first of the last-named work, we learn 
from it, as also from earlier and later minor writings, 
that in Lombroso’s opinion it is not the internal, 
inborn factors only that exercise an important influ- 
ence upon the actions and the social behaviour of 

1 English translation in Secott’s Contemporary Science 

2 Milan, 1878. A volume of the International Scientific 



human beings. Indeed, to Lombroso as a determinist 
we Owe a service which distinguishes him from the 
great majority of modern determinists. He was bold 
enough to revive and to restore to psychology the 
cosmic determinism of the Pythagoreans. It was not 
within the organism alone that he sought the deter- 
mining influences of physiological and psychological 
activity. He looked for these also outside the 
organism—in the environment; and his conception 
of this environment was the very widest possible 
(see p. 132). At first, when still quite a young 
man, he laid stress, with Buckle, upon the influence 
of civilization—that is to say, of the cultural environ- 
ment—upon individual phenomena. He saw, indeed, 
in these phenomena, when they are of an abnormal 
character—taking, for example, the form of insanity, 
crime, or prostitution—diseases of the social organ- 
ism, which become individualized in predisposed or 
malformed persons (the theory of degeneration). 
Subsequently he came to note, and perhaps to over- 
estimate, the influence of meteorological and cosmic 
processes—the influence, that is to say, of the 
physical environment. Later still, when he had 
grasped the entire plan of the edifice of his life-work, 
the most important part of that edifice was always the 
doctrine of causes and of the environment—under- 
standing always by the term ‘‘ environment ”’ all that 
comes into relation from outside with the individual 


and with society, everything competent to determine 
his tendencies, his gifts, his capacities, and his actions. 

Lombroso ultimately came to regard environment 
as profoundly important in determining the produc- 
tion of criminality, as may be seen most clearly in a 
passage from the fourth chapter of his work on “ The 
Cause and Prevention of Crime,” of which I here give 
a portion. After a detailed explanation of the distinc- 
tion between the older civilization, typified by force, 
and contemporary civilization, typified by cunning, 
and having shown that both these types are manifested 
in the criminal career, he goes on to say: ‘‘ We experi- 
ence here de facto the parallel activity of two forms of 
criminality: atavistic criminality, characterized by 
the relapse of abnormally predisposed individuals to 
the employment of forcible means in the struggle for 
existence—means which our own civilization has 
normally ceased to use—manslaughter, robbery with 
violence, or rape; and evolutionary criminality, which 
is just as maleficent in intention, but far more 
civilized in its means, for in place of force and 
violence it employs cunning and artifice.” 

The first form of criminality is exhibited only by a 
comparatively small number of unfortunately predisposed 
individuals ; the second form, by those who are not 
sufficiently strong to withstand the unfavourable 
influences of their environment. 

Thus, following in the tracks of Quetelet, and 


contemporaneously with Adolf Wagner—the former 
being ‘the founder of ‘‘ social physics,” and the latter 
the man who demonstrated ‘‘ the reign of law in the 
apparently voluntary actions of human beings ’— 
Lombroso regarded the activity of the individual as 
devoid of all true spontaneity. He viewed it in its 
dependence upon numerous external and internal 
factors, in part belonging to the organization of the 
individual and in part to his environment. In accord- 
ance with this view, he assigned to the intellect, to 
** reason,” a minimal share in the control of actions, in 
the conduct of the ego. And even in emotion he saw, 
for the most part, a simple operation of unconscious 
processes, subsidiary reactions of the organism in 
response to natural forces. 

Thus, in his view, the personality of the doer 
tended to disappear; individual differences faded 
away. In his determinism, the idea of the “type,” 
of the “‘ group,” of the “ class,” preponderates. The 
average man, whose type is deformed by the inexorable 
law of pathological inheritance (which plays so large 
a part in all Lombroso’s works), acts under the 
mechanical compulsion of his internal disposition and 
organization; and, further, as if this alone were 
insufficient, he is driven by the external conditions of 
life, whether those of the physical environment or 
those of the social organization. Thus he reduces 

individual differences, for the most part, to a few 


types, in which the degenerative predispositions almost 
always manifest themselves in the form of automatic 
‘“‘ epileptic”’ discharges. This does not mean that he 
altogether denied individual classification, but in his 
teaching all individuals were contemplated in the 
light of one and the same fundamental determinism. 
From the lowest step of this classification occupied 
by the savage atavistic criminal, the series proceeds to 
the altitude on which is enthroned the figure of the 

This determinism, although not expressly stated, 
underlies also his account of genius. 

Almost throughout his whole life he was interested 
in the problem of genius. We see this from his first 
important work, published in the year 1855, upon the 
‘“‘Insanity of Cardanus.” It runs through the six 
Italian and eight foreign editions of his work on 
“The Man of Genius.”” We see it also in the last 
important work published before he died, on “‘ Genius 
and Degeneration.” 

It is well known that he regarded the analogy 
between the epileptic automatic discharge and the 
inspiration of genius as a proof of the identity of 
these two phenomena. Here the indefiniteness of the 
concepts ‘‘ genius” and “‘epilepsy”’ is compensated 
by the importance and abundance of the facts adduced 
by him to show that in the essence of genius an 
‘‘anomaly” is almost invariably to be recognized— 


and this not merely in the peculiarities commonly 
observed in men of genius in spheres altogether 
independent of the direct manifestations of their 
genius. But inspiration, the discharge itself, is also 
cosmically determined. Thus we understand why it 
is that, in the last edition of ‘‘ The Man of Genius,”’ 
the section upon the characteristics of the genius 
occupies no more space than does the account of the 
environing causes of genius, and occupies barely half 
the amount of space given to the section upon genius 
as manifested in the insane. 

However much or however little of these ideas may 
be found to possess permanent value, one point of 
unquestionable importance is Lombroso’s demand that 
among the conditions of the work of genius we must 
study the personality of the genius himself with all his 
individual pecularities. A glance at the almost inter- 
minable series of ‘‘ pathographies’”’ of highly-talented 
persons proves to us how strong an _ influence 
Lombroso’s ideas exercised upon the intellectual 
world of Germany, and to what an extent they gave 
rise to an anthropological method of study of the 
nature of the man of genius. 

We Germans must see, unless we are blind, the 
enormous importance in relation to the work produced 
by the two most distinguished figures of our recent 
intellectual history—Richard Wagner and Friedrich 
Nietszche—of the severe suffering with which both were 


afflicted. Hven if it be not true that pathology is the 
root of genius, at any rate, pathos, not ethos, will 
persist as the sphere in which mortal man attains the 
highest perfection, and the one in which he performs 
the greatest deeds. And Lombroso’s own path through 
life, overburdened as he was with sorrows, struggles, 
pains, and deprivations, shows us that, in default of 
the forcible over-stimulation which severe suffering 
induces in rich and deep natures, the energy of the 
highest spiritualization is unable to radiate from the 
hidden depths of our nature; and yet these same 
sorrows and struggles are likely, in those in whom 
the divine fire of Prometheus has not glowed from the 
first, to lead to crime or to insanity. 

In the light of this idea, the life-work of the master, 
who displayed the close relationship between these 
three great manifestations of suffering humanity, 
genius, insanity, and crime, will no longer appear so 
strange as his isolated and detached ideas appeared to 
his contemporaries. And we shall continue to return 
again and again to his works, as to an arsenal of 
means to help us to the understanding of the highest 
and of the deepest endowments of mankind. 

If we wish to do justice to the life-work of Lombroso, 
we must not omit the study of his own personality, 
to which, therefore, a final glance may be directed. 
By his birth and by his own peculiar temperament 
he belonged to that Jewish aristocracy to which, as 


Bismarck pointed out, Disraeli also belonged. The 
former well-to-do position and the high standing of 
his family were changed greatly for the worse in 
consequence of the Austrian domination in Italy. 
Lombroso was compelled to be not merely his own 
teacher, but also his own bread-winner; and when 
at length he had attained a good position as a con- 
sulting physician and University Professor, owing to 
his espousal of the cause of the Italian peasantry he 
lost the material advantages of a position which would 
otherwise have led him to acquire considerable wealth 
in the industrially powerful Northern Italy. 

These losses freed him completely from the desire 
to strive for outward success, and restored to him the 
leisure without which he could never have collected 
his enormous materials, or carried on his incessant 
polemic for clearer ideas, and effected the systematic 
arrangement oi his material. Thus his life attained a 
harmonious character such as rarely belongs to the 
learned life of a successful physician; and whilst he 
remained outwardly unpretending and modest, always 
ready to help others both in word and deed, he continued 
to be the intellectual father of new and ever new sen- 
sational hypotheses. He, ‘‘ the slave of facts,” never 
boasted of his diligence; and although in innumer- 
able controversies he unweariedly defended his ideas, 
his zeal was always on behalf of the ideas themselves, 
never to gain material advantages. Lombroso never 


sought for personal gain from the conceptions of 
whose value and importance he was so firmly con- 
vinced, and which came to him, as it were, intuitively. 
Indeed, his principal strength lay in intuition, in his 
ready grasp of the essential. His theories of intuitive 
genius lay stress upon certain analogies between in- 
tuition and epileptoid states ; and the great reverence 
paid by him to truth may possibly have led him at 
times to underestimate the powerful, although not 
always fully conscious, intellectual activity which 
paves the way to every happy discovery. 

We cannot here attempt to show the extent and 
importance of Lombroso’s contributions to Italian 
culture outside the domain of anthropological re- 
searches. From his house in Turin, and from the 
circle of thinkers, officials and artists who assembled 
there, there was diffused a powerful influence, and 
at times the very consciousness of Italy seemed 
to be centred here at work. And, unceasingly, a 
manifold receptivity and activity found the unity 
and the energy requisite for their concentrated 
effects in the fiery soul in whose ardour the most 
heterogeneous elements were fused, and whose spirit 
lives on in his successors and disciples— 

* cursores qui vitai lampada tradunt.” 


Durine the correction of the previous chapters I have 
read Lombroso’s final and posthumous work, and I 
feel that it is expedient to append a brief account of 
Lombroso’s dealings with the spiritualists, which were, 
indeed, characteristic of his peculiar personality, but 
are without significance in relation to his more im- 
portant investigations—those which interest us and 
will interest posterity. 

It was about the year 1890 that throughout Europe 
the investigations of psychiatrists, neurologists, and 
psychologists into the subject of hypnotism attained 
their acme. During the years 1885 to 1890 there 
was an unceasing current of hypnotic experiments. 
Almost every clinic had its own mediums; and soon 
some of these mediums, of whom not a few attended 
more than one clinic, produced occult phenomena, 
such as the action of medicaments at a distance 
(Bourru and others), the polarizing effect of magnets, 
thought-transference, and thought-reading, in addition 
to the phenomena of the hypnotic sleep and hypnotic 
suggestion. Not infrequently such séances as these, 
instituted by serious men of science, closely resembled 

the phenomena of the ‘‘ animal magnetism” of the 


first third of the nineteenth century and the séances 
of the spiritualists during the middle third oft.he 
century. Men who, unquestionably, were well ex- 
perienced in observation and in rigorous experiment 
—such men as Charcot, Richet, Preyer, Forel, and 
Zollner—believed in the reality of the occult pheno- 
mena which gradually made their appearance in the 
hypnotic mediums. 

In the year 1888, Lombroso published a series of 
exhaustive experiments, dealing more especially with 
the limits of suggestion in the waking state, and the 
influence of a permanent magnet upon suggested 
sensations. It was most remarkable that this posi- 
tivist investigator, a man whose habit it had been 
to confine himself to objective investigation, and to 
consider subjective phenomena as entirely subsidiary 
and to deal with them with extreme caution, should 
concern himself with matters so little accessible to 
objective observation as the reaction to hypnotic 
procedures and the examination of suggested ideas 
in hypnotized and hysterical subjects, and while 
engaged in this path of study to associate, ultimately, 
more and more intimately with thought - readers, 
spiritualists, and other thaumaturgists. 

It was, indeed, a result of his overwhelming con- 
viction, at once of the objectivity and of the materiality 
of the performances of hypnotized persons, associated 
with a reluctance to accept the explanation of such 
phenomena by purely subjective factors—viz., their 
explanation solely by means of ideas—that led Lom- 
broso to the credulous assumption that there existed 
a peculiar material condition of the brain substance 
as the cause of all these categories of phenomena. 


The fact that the mediums themselves either 
coquetted in a most equivocal manner with the possi- 
bility of associated immaterial processes, or else 
introduced the absurd doctrines of spiritualism for the 
explanation of the phenomena occurring at their 
séances, did not discourage Lombroso from the con- 
tinually renewed study of thought-readers, calculating 
wonders, telepathists, and teleurgists (persons who 
claimed the power of giving rise to mechanical changes 
in remote objects), for he believed in the genuineness 
of different forms of ‘‘trance’’; and his honourable 
capacity for belief, his disinclination to explain any- 
thing that was new as the result of deception merely 
because it was an unusual experience, frequently 
delivered him over to the devices of cheats. 

I can explain here that, from my own experience, 
his most important medium, Eusapia Palladino, 
whom, in April, 1894, in association with Lombroso, 
Enrico Ferri, the psychologist Luigi Ferri, the 
physiologist Richet, the anthropologist Sergi, and the 
painter Siemiradzki, I observed in several séances, 
was, indeed, a ‘‘ miracle ’’—i.e., a miracle of adroit- 
ness, false bonhomie, well-simulated candour, 
naiveté, and artistic command of all the symptoms of 
hystero-epilepsy. In Rome, where the séances were 
held, she had at her disposal certain extremely adroit 
male mediums, who were associated in all her tricks. 
These mediums behaved irreproachably. During the 
séances, in consequence of emotional excitement and 
superstitious terror, they suffered publicly from 
hysterical paroxysms; and they were clever enough 
to charm Siemiradzki by arranging that ‘‘ from the 
fourth dimension” a sheet of writing-paper should 


fall into his lap, upon which was inscribed in isolated 
Polish words? a prophecy of the speedy restoration of 
the kingdom of Poland. I took an exact transcript of 
this manifestation, and must repeat to-day whatI said 
sixteen years ago, that if (as the mediums asserted, 
though I do not myself believe it) the spirit of 
Kosciuszko really wrote these hopeful words—instead 
of prophesying jinis Polonie—then ‘in the fourth 
dimension ”’ the spelling and grammar of the Polish 
language must have been very badly preserved. 
(Charles Dickens made the same observation in respect 
to English spelling as exhibited by “‘ spirits.’’) 

At that time it was my impression that in these 
séances Lombroso’s interest was in the spiritualists, 
not in the “ spirits,’ and, in the next place, in the 
abnormal trance-state of the mediums. This was 
undoubtedly so at that time; but his subsequent 
publications have shown that at a later date he went 
much further than this, and ascribed to the brain- 
substance the faculty of exercising a powerful infiu- 
ence beyond the periphery of the body (although, 
according to the dominant and still unshaken opinion, 
the function of the brain-substance is subject to the 
law of isolated nervous conduction). For example, 
in the Annales des Sciences Psychiques, 1892, p. 146 
et seqg., Lombroso wrote as follows : 

“Not one of these facts (which we must admit to 
be facts, since we cannot deny that which we have 
seen with our own eyes) is of a nature to render it 
necessary to suppose for its explanation the existence 
of a world different from that admitted by neuro- 

1 Pure nominatives, such as anyone could extract from a 
dictionary in default of all knowledge of the language. 


pathologists to exist. I see nothing inadmissible in 
the supposition that in hysterical and hypnotized 
persons the stimulation of certain centres, which 
become powerful owing to the paralyzing of all the 
others, and thus give rise to a transposition and trans- 
mission of psychical forces, may also result in a trans- 
formation into luminous or motor force. In this way 
we can understand how the force, which I will call 
cortical or cerebral, of a medium can, for example, 
raise a table from the floor, pluck someone by the 
beard, strike him or caress him—very frequent 
phenomena in these séances. In certain conditions, 
which are very rare, the cerebral movement which we 
call thought is transmitted to distance, sometimes 
small, sometimes very considerable. Now, in the 
same way in which this force is transmitted, it may 
also become transformed, and the psychic force may 
manifest itself as a motor force. Do we not see the 
magnet give rise to a deflection of the compass-needle 
without any visible intermediary ?”’ 

We must not without further consideration dismiss 
this idea as absurd, because a very simple experiment 
suffices to show that the well-known and continuous 
heat-radiation from the living body—that is to say, the 
dispersal from the body of ultra-red etheric undula- 
tions—undergoes notable and easily measurable 
changes, in association with every change in the 
intellectual or emotional equilibrium, just as the 
arterial pulse, which changes under the influence of 
emotional disturbance, gives rise to varying oscilla- 
tions in the air. But we do not possess sense-organs 
adequate to detect either these atmospheric or these 
etheric undulations. We were unable to establish 


their existence until physiology had given us Mosso’s 
plethysmograph and Zamboni’s dry battery. 

There was a very powerful subjective reason why 
Lombroso did not apply a strenuous criticism to the 
occult phenomena of Eusapia, of Pickmann, etc. His 
own most important ideas had at first encountered 
doubt from the learned world, and in many cases con- 
tempi and ridicule. For this reason he was free from 
the tendency, traditional in academic circles, towards 
an extreme reserve in relation to completely new facts 
and theories contrary to the dominant views, and 
therefore dangerous to those advocating them. On 
the contrary, to doubt the good faith of those who were 
producing the new hypnotic and other mediumistic 
phenomena was not only contrary to his natural dis- 
position, incapable of any pettiness and indisposed to 
mistrust anything that was unusual, but it also con- 
flicted with the tendencies resulting from his own 
personal experiences. 

In the year 1872, when he brought before the 
Medical Academy of Milan his experiments and 
investigations regarding the etiology of pellagra 
through the consumption of spoilt maize, he was 
accused by the surgeon Porta, Dean of the medical 
faculty of Pavia and an advocate of the interests of 
the great landlords, of having falsified his experiments, 
and of having artificially induced lesions in the 
animals he experimented on—the result being that 
the whole matter was turned to ridicule, and he 
and his pellagrous chickens were made fun of at 
the next carnival. | 

Lombroso was accustomed to quote a verse from 
Dante, ‘‘ Io non piangea, si dentro impetrai” (‘I did 


not weep, but my heart was turned to stone’’), in 
order to explain the impression left upon him by 
this experience. The controversies about pellagra 
continued for about thirty years, until at length, in 
the year 1902, official recognition was given to his 
theory by the legislation carried in that year for 
the prevention of the disease! The déclassé, the Jew, 
the self-taught man, could not be allowed to take an 
equal rank in the university life amongst the sons 
of the well-to-do classes of Northern Italy, so closely 
allied with the landed interest; and for this reason 
the most distinguished and influential member of the 
academic circle described his laborious and tedious 
researches as falsified. It was this experience which 
made it psychologically impossible for him, when he 
came to study occult phenomena, to take into con- 
sideration the possibility of fraud. 

This helps us to understand how he came to enter 
upon these investigations, and how it was that he 
allowed himself in many cases to be deceived re- 
garding the reality of the processes under observation. 

But it was precisely his unmitigated positivism 
which led him a priori to regard many things as 
possible and open to discussion, from which others 
in their specialist narrowness would have (doubtless 
in this instance more wisely) turned away. In the 
year 1888, Lombroso believed himself to have proved 
the influence of the magnet upon suggested colour 
sensations. With this begins the series of his publi- 
cations upon occult phenomena (‘‘ Studi sull’ ipno- 
tismo e sulla credulita,” Archivio di psichiatria, 1888, 
ix., pp. 528-546). From these effects of the magnet 

1 See note to page 152. 


(whose subjective causation he lefi an open question) 
he drew the following inference: ‘‘ The magnet is an 
object known to have effect within the physical sphere. 
li a new result is seen to follow its application, this 
must also be of a physical character, and cannot be 
of any other. Thus in the hypnotized person, whose 
cerebral molecules are in a condition different from 
that in the brain of the non-hypnotized person, the 
magnet has given rise to a rearrangement of the 
cerebral molecules. If the observed effect is purely 
subjective, we must conclude that the subjective 
phenomena are dependent upon the physical condi- 
tions, and that the rearrangement of the cerebral 
molecules gives rise to the phenomenon of so-called 

Psychologically allied with this is Lombroso’s 
utterance regarding muscle-reading, to the effect that 
if an act of the will is effective at a distance, this 
proves that the will, far from being immaterial, 
is a phenomenon of movement, and is, therefore, a 
manifestation of matter. Indeed, he expresses his 
astonishment that thought-transference is so rarely 
observed: ‘‘ May it be that in the forms of energy 
known under the names of electricity, magnetism, 
heat, light, and sound, there is produced the same 
thing as in thought; and if one admits this, may it 
not be that thought is simply a phenomenon of 

At the time when these first experimental studies 
were published, Lombroso was, however, still sceptical 
regarding spiritualistic phenomena, as is proved by 

\ ‘1 Annales des Sciences Psychiques, 1904. 


the following utterance, which I publish here in full 
because in it we can already detect the psychological 
tendencies which ultimately led him to capitulate— 
i.e., to recognize the existence of telepathic phenomena 
at séances: ‘‘ Every epoch is unripe for the discoveries 
which have had few precursors ; and if it is unripe it 
is also unadapted to perceive its own incapacity. The 
repetition of the same discovery prepares the brain to 
make it its own, to accept it, and finds minds gradually 
becoming less hostile to its acceptance. For nearly 
twenty years the discoverer of the cause of pellagra 
was regarded throughout Italy as mad; to-day the 
academic world still laughs at criminal anthropology, 
at hypnotism, at homeopathy. Who knows whether 
we, who to-day laugh at spiritualism, may not also 
be in error? Thanks to the misoneism which lies 
concealed in us all, we are, as it were, hypnotized 
against the new ideas, incapable of understanding 
that we are in error, and like many insane persons, 
_ whilst the darkness hides the truth from us, we laugh 
at those who stand in the light” (“ L’ influenza della 
civilta e dell’ occasione sul genio,” Fanfulla della 
Domenica, 1888, Nr. 29). 

In the year 1891, when Lombroso, in association 
with Bianchi and Tamburini, had held the first 
sittings with Kusapia Palladino, he wrote in a letter 
to Dr. Ciolfi: ‘‘I am ashamed and sorrowful that 
with so much obstinacy I have contested the possi- 
bility of the so-called spiritualistic facts. I say the 
facts, for I am inclined to reject the spiritualistic 
theory; but the facts exist, and as regards facts I 
glory in saying that I am their slave.” 

There soon followed other sittings, most of them 


with Eusapia as medium, conducted by Von Aksakow 
and Du Prel. (To this period belong all the sittings 
in which I myself took part with Siemiradzki, and in 
which there took place Lombroso’s thorough investi- 
gation of the trance-state of both the male mediums 
mentioned above.) From 1896 onwards, after observa- 
tions made on the ‘‘ thought reader” Pickmann, 
Lombroso published in his Archivio di psichiatria a 
perpetual record of his mediumistic experiments. 

His last work of all, published after his death 
(* Ricerche sui fenomeni ipnotisi e spiritici,” pp. 820, 
Turin, Unione Editrice, 1910), might be regarded by 
the credulous as a ‘‘ Greeting from the Spirit- World.” 
We, however, who renounce this ‘ Spirit- World,” 
may well content ourselves with the undying intel- 
lectual achievements of the deceased investigator ; to 
our enemies we freely give the Lombroso of senile 
decay, for the Lombroso of youth, for ever young, 
is ours. 



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Enrico Ferri: Sociologia criminale. Turin, 1902. 

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H. Kurta: Naturgeschichte des Verbrechers. Stuttgart, 

H. Kurewza: Die Grenzen der Zurechnungsfahigkeit und die 
Kriminal-Anthropologie. Halle a 8., 1903. 

H. Kuretua: Die soziologische Forschung und Cesare 
Lombroso, Monatsschr. f. Kriminal-psychologie und Stra- 
frechtsreform, 1906. S. 308 u. ff. 

G. ASCHAFFENBURG: Das Verbrechen und seine Bekaimpfung. 
Heidelberg, 1903. 

R. Sommer : Kriminal-psychologie und straftrechtliche Psy- 
chopathologie. Leipzig, 1904. 

177 12 













PREPARATORY Work, 1841-1850 

JouLtE: Thermogenic Effects of the Electric Current. 

Herscuex : Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences. 

List: Das nationale System der politischen Okonomie. 

R. Mayser: Erhaltung der Energie. 

R. WaGNER : Handwérterbuch der Physiologie. 

A. Comtn: Cours de philosophie positive. 

L. Feversace : Wesen des Christentums. 

J. §. Mizu: Inductive Logic. 

Marteuccr : Discovery of the Nerve-Current. 

FarapDay: Electrical Conduction and the Nature of 

Discovery of the Electrical Incandescent Lamp. / 

W. Waser : Electrodynamic Measurements. 

Discovery of Anesthesia by Ether. 

Hetmuoutz: Die Erhaltung der Kraft (Conservation of 

Discovery of Anesthesia by Chloroform. 

QueTELET: Du systéme social. 

Dusois-Reymonp: Animal Electricity. 

Discovery of Gold in California, 

Discoveries of Bacillus of Anthrax and of Aniline 

Hersert Spencer: Social Statics (Identity of Laws of 
Organic and Social Evolution). 






DoMINANCE oF PosiTivism, 1851-1860. 

1851-1860. Mileage of European Railway Systems 
ancreases by 250 per cent. 

Lygtu : Principles of Geology. 

Lomproso: Concerning Marzolo’s “ Monumenti storici 
rivelati dal! analisi della parola.” 

ScHOPENHAUER: Parerga und Paralipomena. 

Discovery of the Neanderthal Skull and Other Evidences 
of the Antiquity of Man. 

Hetmaoutz : Ophthalmoscope. 

RuugmxkorFF: Induction Coil. 

RicHARD WAGNER: Oper und Drama. 

Miuuet: Le Semeur; und Courser: Das Begrabnis von 

Mo.xsscuHort : Kreislauf des Lebens. 

PFLUGER: Electrotonus. 

NaEGELI : Investigations Regarding Vegetable Physiology. 

Biouner: Kraft und Stoff (Force and Matter). 

Farapay: Magnetic Philosophy. 

Discovery of Hot-air Engine, of Bessemer Steel, and 
of Aniline-violet. 

Watt Waitman: Leaves of Grass. 

Discovery of the Annular Kiln, of the Regenerative Gas 
Furnace, and of the Mercurial Air-pump. 

J. von Lizpie : Theory and Practice of Agriculture. 

Le Puay: Les Ouvriers Européens. 

Tae Four CuassicaL YeaRs oF Positivism, 1857-1860. 



BunsEN: Exact Methods for the Analysis of Gases. 
MoreEt: Traité des Dégénérescenses, 

Marx: Materialist Conception of History. 
Buckie: History of Civilization. 

TocquEVILLE : La Révolution et Ancien Régime. 
FLauBEeRT: Madame Bovary. 

Vircnow: Cellularpathologie. 

M. Scuirr: Lehrbuch der Physiologie. 









KIRCHHOFF und BunsEen: Spectrum Analysis. 

Darwin : Origin of Species. 

J.S. Mizz: On Liberty. 

Discovery of the Telephone, the Ice Machine, and the Azo 
Colouring Matters. 

FECHNER : Psychophysik. 

Boucuer DE PertuEes: De lHomme Antédiluvien et de 
ses iuvres. ! 

Boucuer DE PertuEs: Discovery of the Gas Engine. 

Semrer: Der Siil. 

AFTER-EFFEcTs, 1861-1865. 

BacHoFren : Das Mutterrecht (Matriarchy). 

GRIESINGER : Pathology of Mental Disorders. 

ScHLEICHER: Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen. 

Manet : Friihstiick im Griinen. 

DostorEFFsky: Raskolnikow. 

Fontang: Wanderungen durch die Mark. 

Liberation of Serfs in Russia. 

HERBERT SPENCER: First Principles. 

Issen : The Comedy of Love. 

ToURGUENEFF: Fathers and Sons. 

Construction of Pacific Railway. 

Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation. 

Bismarck’s Realpolitik (Blood and Iron). 

Huxuey : Man’s Place in Nature. 

LyeEti : Antiquity of Man. 

Huaeerns : Spectra of Fixed Stars and Nebule. 

Broca: Sur le Siége, le Diagnostic et la Nature de 

PastEuR: Theory of Fermentation. 

RENAN: Vie de Jésus. 

Wonpt: Vorlesungen iiber die Menschen und Tierseele. 

Lomsroso : Genio e follia. 

A. Waener: The Reign of Law in the Apparently Volun- 
tary Actions of Human Beings. 

LASSALLE : Bastiat-Schultze. 

Dr Goncourt: Renée Mauperin, 




Zoua : Confession de Claude. 

Toutstoy : War and Peace. 

Merynert: Anatomy of the Cerebral Cortex and its Rela- 
tions to the Sensory Surface of the Body. 

Lussock: Prehistoric Times. 

Lomproso: Aliénations Mentales Etudiées par la Méthode 

Haxrcxet: Generelle Morphologie. 

Von Liesie: Induktion und Deduktion. 

Cannizzaro: L’ emancipazione della ragione. 

J. S. Mitt: Comte and Positivism. 

Taine: Le Positivisme Anglais. 

Extension of Democracy in England by Russell and 

Martin Steel, Gas-engines, Influence Machines. 



ADAPTATION, deficient, of de- 
generates, 123 
Africo-Hellene race of Calabria, 
‘* Agrarian Investigation,” 114 
— problems, Lombroso, 
Agrarian reform, 156, 157 
Aksakow, Von, 176 
Alcoholism and criminality, 95 
Altruism deficient in criminal 
types, 105 
Analogies, Lombroso’s talent for 
the discovery of, 112 
Anarchism, 149 
Animal magnetism, 168 
Anomalous character of genius, 
162, 163 
Anthropology, earlier and recent 
significations of the term, 
10 note 
subject-matter of, 182 
Lombroso’s conception of, 
135, 137, 138 
according to Virchow, Broca, 
and Mantegazza, 135 
criminal, 18-54. See also 
separate organs, as 
brain, skull, etc. 

tabular statement of 
primatoid varieties, 

fundamental notion of, 

hysiognomy, 47-53 

lavilar ateterent of dis- 
tinctive anatomical 
characters, indicatin 
abnormal congenita 
predisposition in more 
than 800 non-insane 
criminals, 54 

Anthropology, criminal, signifi- 
cance of, 130-138 
Congress for, 147, 148 
of women. See ‘* Woman 
as Criminal ” 
Anti-semitism, 149 
Anti-social tendencies of degen- 
erates, 104, 105 
types, 119, 123 
need for segregation of, 

Ape-like characters. — 
toid varieties 

Apportionment of punishment, 

See Prima- 

Argot. See Jargon 

Aristocracy, Jewish, 164, 165 

Arrest of development in crim- 
inals. See also Atavism, 46 

‘* Art for art’s sake,” in criminals, 

Art, naturalism in, 133 

Artistic method, new, the fruit of 
positivism, 134 

Arts, industrial, and positivism, 

Aschaffenburg, 60 note, 147, 177 
Asymmetry, facial, 104 
Atavism, 19-25, 45-48, 59, 60, 
95, 96,101, 105, 118, 160 
and crime. See Atavism 
and prostitution, 59, 60 
Austrian dominion in Italy, 165 


Bachofen, 180 

Bacon, Francis, 113 

Baer, A., 24 note 

Bagehot, Walter, quoted, 66 

Battery, Zamboni’s dry, 172 

Bebel, 110 



Beltrani-Scalia, 80 
Benedikt, 94 
Bianchi, 175, 177 
Biogenetic law, the fundamental, 
Biological determination of social 
phenomena, 107 et seq. 
determinism. See also De- 
of Lombroso, 161, 162 
Bismarck, 165 
Bistolfi, 82 
Blameworthiness, 131 
Books consulted, list of, 177 
Born criminal. See Criminal, 
Born criminals form a degenera- 
tive subtype, 105 
Boucher de Perthes, 180 
Bourgeois criminality, 87 
Brain in criminals, 38-45 
Bread-riots at Milan, 1898, 153 
Breeding, racial improvement by, 
129, 146 
Broca, 135, 180 
Bruant, 91 
Brusa, 141 
Biichner, 8, 179 
Buckle, 107 
Bunsen, 134, 179, 180 
Burdach, 7 


Calabria, Lombroso’s work in, 114 
races of, 114, 129 

Camorra, the, 91 

Cannizzaro, 181 

Capital punishment, Lombroso 
avours, 128 

Cardan, Jerome, Lombroso’s work 
on, 112, 162 

Carrara, 81, 177 

Cause and prevention, 158 
Causes and prevention of crime, 

Ceccarel, 177 

Cerebrogenous characters, 27-29, 


Chamberlain, Houston, 129 

Characteristics common to crimi- 
nals and epileptics, 98, 99 


Characters, cerebrogenous, prima- 
toid, ete. See under Adjectival 

Charcot, 168 

Charnegi, 7 

Cheats, 169 

Child criminals, 97 

Ciolfi, 175 

venting spr 

ower of, in pre- 
of truth, 151, 

Class struggle. See Class war 
Class war, the, and social evolu- 
tion, 121, 122, 124, 125 
Classes, differentiation by and 
through, 121 
Clinical observation, 136 
Comte, vi, 178 
Congenital. See Inheritance 
Congress for Criminal Anthropo- 
logy, 147, 148 
Conventional element in crime, 90 
Correlation of growth, 104 
Cosmic causality, 136 
determinism, 69, 132-134 
influences, 159 
Cranio-facial developments, ratios 
of, 31, 34 
Oraniology. See Skull 
Craniometry. See Skull 
Crest, internal frontal, 28, 29 
temporal, 29 
Crime. See also Criminal 
and insanity, 84, 85 
and imbecility, 84, 85 
and disease, 97 
causes and prevention of, 147 
related to genius and to 
insanity, 164 
political. See Political crime 
Criminal. See also Anthropology, 
accidental, 131 
anthropology. See also An- 
thropology, criminal 
Congress for, 147, 148 
positive foundation of, 
significance of, 130-138 
subject-matter of, 132 
born, 100, 131. See also 
Criminal type 


Criminal born, the insensibility 
of, 88, 89 i 
degenerate, 131 
epileptic, 140, 145 
habitual, 140, 145 
insane, 131, 140, 145 
jargon of. See Jargon 
jurisprudence. 139-149 
** Criminal Man, the,” 140 
Criminal nature, 131. See also 
Criminal type and 
Criminal, born 
and epilepsy, 98-103 
occasional, 131, 140, 145 
by passion, 140, 145 
political, 119, 120. See also 
Political criminal 
psychology. 79-105. See also 
Psychology, criminal 
significance of term, 93 
tendencies, inheritance of, 
96, 97, 101 
type, the, 102 
criticism of idea of, 55 
meaning and limitations 
of the doctrine, 50 
physio omy of, 51 
types, female, comparatively 
rare, 61-63 
lack ‘‘ mother-sense,” 63 
woman. See ‘‘ Woman as 
Criminal ’’ 
Criminality, atavistic, 160 
by passion, 100 
evolutionary, 160 
influence of environment on, 
Criminaloid, the, 64, 145 
Criminals, cruelty of, 84-86 
recklessness of, 84, 85 
responsibility of, 85, 86 
economic status of, 86, 87 
Criminology, school of positive, 
Crispi, 153 
Cro-Magnon, prehistoric man of, 33 
Crossing of races, and its effect 
on political evolution, 74 
Cruelty in women, 58 
of criminals, 84-86 
Ounning and force, 160 


Dante, 173 
Darwin, 33, 47, 117, 134, 180 
eT ne ** Descent of Man,” 33, 
Darwinian tipped ear, 47 
Darwinism. See Evolution 
Death, indifference to, in crimi- 
nals, 88, note 
penalty, Lombroso favours, 
Decentralization of Government, 
Lombroso favours, 127 
Degenerate, the, an anti-social 
being, 104, 105 
Degenerates, 123 
Degeneration, 15 e¢ seg.; 103-105, 
159, 160, 162 
and crime, 103-105 
genius and, 162 
practical significance of term, 
stigmata of, 103-105 
theory of, 160 
De Goncourt, 180 
Democracy, Lombroso’s faith in, 

Dental abnormalities, 104 
De Perthes, Boucher, 180 
‘**Descent of Man” (Darwin’s), 
33, 117 
Despine, 13, 14 
Determinism, 69, 107 et seg., 116, 
120, 121, 128, 132-134, 
138, 161, 162 
biological, of Lombroso, 107, 
116, 120, 121, 161, 162 
cosmic, 69, 132-134 
economic, of Marx, 116, 123 
Development, moral. See Moral . 
Diagnosis, differential. See Dif- 
ferential diagnosis 
Dickens, Charles, quoted, 170 
Differences, individual, compara- 
tively unimportant, 161 
Differential diagnosis of varieties 
of criminal, 83-91 
Differentiation in human species, 

sexual, 57, 58, 121 
Lombroso’s law of, 57 


Differentiation, sexual, in savages 
as compared with civilized 
races, 58 

Discovery, fruitful period of, in 
association with a positivist 
view of the universe, 133 

Disease and crime, 97 

Disraeli, 165 

Documents of positivism, 178-181 

Donna delinquente, la. See 
‘* Woman as Criminal ” 

Dostoieffsky, 180 

Dubois-Reymond, 178 

Du Prel, 176 


Ear, Darwinian tipped, 47 
handle-shaped and project- 
ing, 104 
Morel’s, 48 
peculiarities of, in criminals, 
47, 48 
Earpoint of Darwin, 47 
Economic determinism. See De- 
factors of crime, 87 
motive, supremacy of, 151, 
status in relation to crime, 
86, 87 
Ellis, Havelock, vi, 58, note 
quoted, 67 note 
Environment, 132, 159, 160 
and crime, 160 
and individual, 132 e¢ seq. 
Epilepsy, 136 
chronic, 100 
and criminality, 98-103 
and genius, 162 
as an hereditary equivalent 
of criminality, 103 
larval, 100 
Lombroso’s conception of, 99 
Epileptic discharges, 161 
Epileptoid states (Griesinger), 100 
types common in prisons, 
Epispadias, 104 
Equanimity of criminals sen- 
tenced to death, 88 note 
Equivalents, hereditary, crimin- 
ality and epilepsy as, 103 


Erotism, strong, abnormal in 
women, 59 
Eskimo, skull of, 35 
Esquirol, 7 
Ethos and pathos, 164 
Eugenics, 123, 128, 129, 146 
Eurygnathism, 26, 29 
Eusapia Palladino, 169, 172,175, 
Evolution of man from unknown 
primate asserted by Lom- 
broso in 1871, 33 
social, versus revolution, 120 
Evolutionism, English, 7 
Experimental method, Lom- 
broso’s tendency to neglect 
the, 135-137 
Extreme value of weights and 
measurements in crim- 
inal brains, 40, 41, 42 
in criminal physiog- 
nomy, 49-51 
in criminal skulls, 37, 
38, 40, 41, 42 


Facts and documents of posi- 
tivism, 178-181 
Lombroso’s respect for, 134 

Faraday, 178, 179 

Fechner, 187, 180 

Ferrati, 156 

Ferrero, G., 56, 57, 81 

Ferri, Enrico, 79, 140, 169, 177 

Ferri, Luigi, 169 

Feuerbach, 178 

‘* First Principles,” 116 

Flaubert, 179 

Fontane, 180 

Force and cunning, 160 

Forehead, receding, 27, 31, 32 

Forel, 168 

Fossa, middle occipital, 28, 32 

‘* Fra Diavolo,” skull of, 32 

France and the revolutionary 
spirit, 68, 72-74 

Frassati, 177 

Free will, illusion of, 133 

Frigerio, 48 

Frigidity, sexual, of prostitutes 



Gabelli, 141 

Gall, 13, 14, 17 

Garofalo, 140, 141 

Gasparone, skull of, 32 

Genius, 70-73, 119, 120, 162-164 
and anomaly, 162 

**Genius and Degeneration,” 162 

Genius and epilepsy, 162 

its freedom from misoneism, | 

function of, in promoting 
social evolution, 120 
index of, for the departments 
of France, 72 
in the insane, 163, 164 
and republicanism, 72, 73 
and revolution, 70-72 
Géricault’s drawing, ‘‘ Téte d’un 
Supplicié,” 51 
Gladstone, W. E., 181 
Gobineau, 129 
Goethe, 111, 113 
Goncourt, de, 180 
Gosio, 156 
Greek racial elements in Calabria, 
Greenlander, brain of, 44, 45 
** Greeting from the spirit-world, 
a,” 176 
Griesinger, 7, 100, 180 
Growth, correlation of, 104 
Gudden, 7 ° 


Haeckel, 118, 181 
quoted, 118 note 
Hamel, Van, 142, 143 
Handle-shaped and _ projecting 
ear, 104 
Harden, Maximilian, 81 
Heinze, 88 note 
Hellenic, racial elements in _la- 
bria, 129 
Helmholtz, 134, 178, 179 
‘* Henkelohr,’’ 47, 104 
Hereditary equivalents, crimin- 
ality and epilepsy as, 103 
Heredity. See also Inheritance 
criminal, 96, 97 
Herschel, 178 


History, determinist view of, 107 
et seq. 
Hohlenfels, prehistoric man of, 33 
Homo delinquens, 120. See also 
industrialis, 122 
neanderthalensis, 120. See 
also Primitive man 
sapiens, 124 
natural variability of, and 
its consequences, 120 
Huggins, 180 
Humanism, modern, 125 
Huxley, 180 
Hygiene, racial, 128 
Hylozoism, 133 
Hypnotism, 168 
Hypospadias, 104 

Ibsen, 180 
Ibsen’s ‘‘An Enemy of the 
People,” 154 
Illusion of free will, the, 1383 
Imbecility. See also Insanity 
and crime, 84, 85 
Impatience of reformers, 145 
Imprisonment, Mittelstaedt on, 
Impulsive criminality, 84, 85, 94 
Inca bone, the, 35 
‘* Inchiesta Agraria,” 114 
Incorrigibility of criminals, 97 
Individual differences, compara- 
tively unimportant, 161 
and environment, 132 et seq. 
factors influencing, 158- 
Individualism and _ Socialism, 
Lombroso’s attitude towards, 
Industrial arts and positivism, 133 
Inheritance of criminal tenden- 
cies, 96, 97, 101 
athological, 161, 162 | 
Inhibition, feck of, in criminals, 
42, 94 
Innovation and misoneism, 66-69 
Insensibility of born criminal, 88, 
Insanity and crime, 84, 85 
genius and, 163, 164 


Insanity, moral, 100-103, 117 
a professional disease of 
prisoners, 97 

Inspiration, cosmic determina- 
tion of, 163 

** Intellectuals,” the, and Italian 
Socialism, 149 

Italian influence on penal reform, 
143, 144 

Jargon of criminals, 88 note, 91, 
92 : 

Jewish aristocracy, the, 164, 165 
spirit, the, 129 

Jews, civil disabilities of, 2 

Joule, 178 ; 

Judenhetze. See Anti-semitism 

Jurisprudence, criminal, 139-149 

Kant, 111 
Kirchoff, 180 
Kirn, 103 
Knecht, 103 
Kosciuszko’s ‘‘ spirit,”’ 170 
Kraepelin, 141 
Krauss, 94 
Kuliszew, Madame, 81 
Kurella, 177 
Kurella’s ‘‘ Naturgeschichte des 
Verbrechers,” 94, 96 


Labour bureaus, Lombroso ad- 
vocates, 128 
‘*La donna delinquente, la pro- 
situta, ela donna normale,” 56. 
See also ‘*‘ Woman as Criminal ” 
Land reform, 156, 157 
Laschi, 78 
Lassalle, 71, 180 
characterization of, 71 
Lavater, 111 
Law, Lombroso’s interest in, 126 
uniformity of, 137 
Le Play, 179 
Levi, Zefira (mother of Cesare 
Lombroso), 2, 3 
Liebig, Von, 179, 181 
Life-work as social reformer, Lom- 
broso’s, 106-129, 148 


List, 178 
Liszt, Von, 141 
Lombroso, Aron, 1 
Lombroso, Cesare, birth, 1 
the family, 1-3 
childhood and youth, 1-10 
family history, 1-3 
antecedents, 1-13 
revolutionary tendencies, 4 
and Marzolo, 5, 6 
and Panizza, 7, 33 
and Moleschott, 7, 8, 9, 10 
and Skoda, 9 
and Virchow, 9 
and Mantegazza, 10 
and Golgi, 11 
predecessors in research, 13- 
criminal anthropology, 18-54 
comparison of European 
with melanodermic races 
(“L’ uomo bianco e |’ uomo 
di colore”’), 33 
opposition to his views, 55, 56 
merits and defects of his 
work, 56, 57, 65 
‘*Woman as Criminal and 
Prostitute,” 56-64 
*¢ Political Criminals and 
Revolutions,’’ 64-79 
**T” uomo di genio,” 72 
‘¢The Man of Genius,” 72 
Archivia di psichiatria, 79 
home life at Turin, 79-83 
criminal psychology, 79-105 
daughters of, 80 
‘* Palimsesti del carcere,’’ 95 
on the relations between epi- 
lepsy and criminality, 98- 
his conception of epilepsy, 99 
and the term “degeneration,” 
104, 105 
as a social reformer, 106-129 
his methods, 106-129 
his significance in the history 
of science, 106 eé seq. 
his method of work, 111 e¢ seq. 
his pathographies, 112 
work on ‘‘ Cardanus,”’ 112 
talent for analogy, 112 


Lombroso, work in Calabria, 114 | Lombroso, his conception of an- 

on the conception of ‘‘the 
social organism,” 116, 124 

his principal contributions to 
sociology, 118 et seq. 

and the class war, 121, 122, 

and ‘‘ revaluation,” 119, 128 

his attitude towards Social- 
ism, 124 

his philosophy, 124 

as municipal councillor, 124 

not a ‘‘ party man,” 124 

and democracy, 125 

and humanism, 125 

and social reform, 125-129 

views on Parliamentary 
government, 125 note, 128 

views on universal suffrage, 
126 note 

interested in the legal rather 
than the economic order, 

and capitalism, 127 

and industrialism, 127 

and the agrarian problem, 127 

and ‘‘ protection,” 127 

and decentralization of 
government, 127 

and labour bureaus, 128 

views on punishment in 
general, and on capital 
punishment in particular, 

advocates artificial selection, 

and eugenics, 128 

on pellagra, 129 

on races of Southern Italy, 129 

significance of criminal an- 
thropology, 130-138 

on criminal law and its en- 
forcement, 131 

hylozoist ideas, 133 

and positive science, 134 

his respect for facts, 134 

his hunger for material, 134 

insufficient verification of 
facts by, 135 

occasional credulity of, 135 

spiritualistic experiences, 135 

thropology, 135, 136 

his preference for observing 
states rather than pro- 
cesses, 135 

and theexperimental method, 
135, 136 

and Fechner’s psycho- 
physics, 137 

often misunderstood by Ger- 
man biologists and psy- 
chiatrists, 137 

and et notion of uniformity, 

and positivism, 138 

and determinism, 138 

and social reactivity, 138 

and responsibility, 138 

and apportionment of punish- 
ment, 138 

‘*L’ uomo delinquente,” 140 

and criminal jurisprudence, 

and ‘‘School of Positive 
Criminology,’’ 140 

on punishment, 140, 145 

and Ferri, 140 

and Garofalo, 141 

and Kraepelin, 141 

and the science of law, 144 

a utilitarian, 146 

and the Congress for Criminal 
Anthropology in 1906, 147, 
148, 157 
simism, tendency to, in 
old age, 148 

mystical tendency, 148 

an optimist in the field of 
social reform, 148 

as Jeader of Italian political 
radicalism, 149 

and Marxist Socialism, 124 
et seq., 149 

freedom from opportunism, 

opposed to compromise, 149 

the pellagra controversy, 

proscribed for political rea- 
sons in 1898, 153 

boycotted by the well-to-do, 


Lombroso, ‘‘Cause and Preven- 
tion” the keynote of his 
life-work, 154 

as experimental pathologist, 

and He. aa reform, 156, 

his character, 157 

as ‘‘ an enemy of the people,” 
154, 157 

on ‘‘ Cause and Prevention,” 

on the influence of environ- 
ment, 159, 160 

**Causes and Prevention of 
Crime,” 160 

his biological determinism, 
161, 162 

‘The Man of Genius,” 162, 

‘** Genius and Degeneration,” 

‘Insanity of Cardanus,” 162 

life-work of, 164 

his genius and personality, 

a member of the Jewish aris- 
tocracy, 164, 165 

** the slave of facts,’’ 165 

his ready grasp of the essen- 

tial, 166 

contributions to Italian 
culture, 166 

ee researches, 167- 

and Eusapia Palladino, 169, 
172, 175, 176 

effect on his character of the 
hostile reception of his 
theories regarding the 
etiology of pellagra, 172, 

**Studi sull’ ipnotismo e 
sulla credulita,” 173, 174 

on the material nature of the 
will, 174 

on muscle-reading, 174 

on thought - transference, 

on misoneism as a hindrance 
to the acceptance of new 
discoveries, 175 


Lombroso, ‘‘ Ricerche sui feno- 
meni ipnotisi e spiritici ” 
(a posthumous work), 176 
and the “‘ Spirit World,” 176 
Gina, 177 
Paola, 177 
contributions to 
ism,” 180, 181 
Loria, 78, 124 
Lubbock, 181 
Lucas, 14 
Lucchini, 141 
Lumbroso, 1 note 
Lunatic, the criminal, 140, 145 
‘*T” uomo delinquente,” 140 
Luzzati, Luigi, 78 
Lyell, 134, 179, 180 

** Positiv- 


Maffia, the, 91 

Magnet, its alleged influence upon 
suggested colour sensations 
178, 174 

Magnetism, animal, 168 

** Man of Genius, the,” 162, 163 

Man, paleolithic, 44 

prehistoric. See Primitive 
primitive. See Primitive 

Manet, 180 

Man’s place in Nature, 117, 134 
Mantegazza, 10, 135 
Marriage and prostitution, 67 
Marx, Karl, 107, 108, 110, 116, 
124, 149, 179 
and Marxism, 124 
Marzolo, 5, 6, 157 
Masochistic nature of woman, 59 
Material nature of the will, 
Materialism, 107 e¢ seg. See also 
German, 7 
Matteucci, 178 
Mattoids, 77, 118 
and revolts, 71 
Mayer, R., 134, 178 
Measurement of punishment, 131, 


Medievalism, persistent, 5 
Mediterranean region, races of, 
Mediums, spiritualistic, 136 
Meteorological influences, 159 
Method of work, Lombroso’s, 111 
et seq. 
Meynert, 181 
Microcephaly, partial, in relation 
to criminality, 41 
Milan, bread-riots at, 1898, 153 
Mill, J. S., 178, 180, 181 
Millet, 179 
Misoneism, 66-76 
as manifested in the pellagra 
controversy, 151 
in relation to new discoveries, 
Mittelstaedt, 141 
Moeli, 103 
Moleschott, 7, 8, 9, 10, 134, 179 
Moral development, inferior in 
women, 59 
ultimate goal of, 59 
imbecile, the, 102 
imbecility, 104 
insanity, 100-103 
Morality, traditional and ideal, 
67 note 
Morbidity and crime, 97 
Morel, 13-17, 105, 179 
Morel’s ear, 48 
a a 123 ciet 
osso’s plethysmograph, 172 
Motherhood, siete function 
of, its influence on her sexual 
differentiation, 57-59 
Mother-sense, lack of, in genuine 
women criminals and in 
prostitutes, 63 
unimpaired, in female crimi- 
nals, by passion, and female 
occasional criminals, 62, 63 
Miiller, F, Max, quoted, 92 note 
Muscle-reading, 174 


Naegeli, 179 
Naturalism in art, 133 
Nature, criminal. See Criminal 



Nature, man’s place in, 117, 134 

Neanderthal, 32, 120 

Nicolson, 14, 16 

Nietzsche, Friedrich, 86, 163 

Non-moral, woman fundamentally 
so (in Lombroso’s view), 59 


Occasional criminals form the 
majority of women criminals, 

Occultism. See Spiritualism 

Organizations, criminal, 91: 

‘‘Organism” of human society, 

a strained metaphor, 124 

Organs, rudimentary. See Rudi- 

Ossification of sutures of skull, 
peculiarities in, 34, 35 


Paleolithic man, 44 
ar ge Eusapia, 169, 172, 175, 

Panizza, Bartolomeo, 7, 33 

Parasitism of criminals, 95 

Parliamentary government, Lom- 
broso on, 125 note, 128 

Passion, criminality by, 100 

Pasteur, 180 

Pathographies, 112, 163 

Pathological inheritance, 161 

Pathos and ethos, 164 

Pellagra, 12, 129, 149-157, 172, 


recent theories as to its eti- 
ology, 152, 153 note 
in the United States, 156 

Pallagrozein, 156 
Pellizzi, 45, 156 
Penal reform, 139-149 
Perthes, Boucher de, 180 
Pfliiger, 134, 179 
‘* Physical phenomena” of spirit- 
ualism, Lombroso’s interpreta- 
tion of, 171 
Physiognomy, the criminal, 47-53 
Pickmann, 172, 176 


Place in Nature, man’s, 134 
Play, le, 179 

Plehve, 110 

Plethysmograph, Mosso’s, 172 

Poetry and art, naturalism in, 

Political crime, essence of, 67 
eo factors of, 76- 
** Political crime,” 119 
Political criminals, 55 
classification of, 55, 56 
** Political Criminals and Revolu- 
tion,” 64-79 
Politics, realism in, 133 
Porta, 173 
Positive criminology, school of, 

view of the world, 133 
Positivism, 134, 138 

French, 7 

and the industrial arts, 133 

and scientific progress, 133 

preparato work (1841- 
1850), 173 

dominance (1851-1860), 179 

four classical years (1857- 
1860), 179, 180 

after-effects (1861-1865), 180, 

facts and documents of, 178- 


Predisposition to crime, 160 
its organic character, 97 
Prehistoric man. See Primitive 
Prel, du, 176 
Preyer, 168 
Pritchard, 14, 16, 17 
Primatoid varieties, 27, 29, 80, 
43, 44, 54 
definition of term, 30, 31 
Primitive man, 32, 33. See also 
Professional crime, 90 
Prognathism, 27, 31 
Progress as influenced by climatic 
and other physical con- 
ditions, 72-76 
inevitable slowness of, 68 
positivism and, 133 
prerequisites of, 67 et seq. 


Proletarian, the, 122 
criminality, 86 
Prometheus, the fire of, 164 
Prostitute, the, 56 
Prostitutes, commonly sexually 
frigid, 63 
Prostitution, 115 
antiquity of, 59 
an atavistic phenomenon in 
Lombroso’s view, 58, 59 
as counterpart of major cri- 
minality in the male, 60- 
and marriage, 67 note 
Protection, Lombroso opposed to, 
Pseudo-genius and revolt, 71 
Psycho-physics, 137 
Psychology, criminal, 79-105 
Punishment, 138 
preety of, 131 
theory of, 145, 146 

Quetelet, 107, 160, 178 


Races of Calabria, 114, 129 

Races of Southern Italy, 114, 129 

Radicalism, Lombroso and, 149 

Ranke, Johannes, 40-42 

Reaction the fruit of too rapid 
innovation, 68-70 

Reactivity, social, 131, 138, 142 

Realism in politics, 133 

Receding forehead. See Forehead 

Recidivism, 97 

Reciprocal action between indi- 
vidual and environment, 132- 

Recklessness of criminals, 84, 85 

Reform, agrarian, 156, 157 

penal, 139-149 

Reformer, social, Lombroso as, 
106-129, 148 

Reformers, impatience of, 145 

Reforms, true, how effected, 126. 
See also Misoneism 

Reich, 8 

Relapses into crime, 97 

Renan, 8, 180 


Republicanism and genius, 72, 73 
met into spiritualism, 167- 
Responsibility, 83-86, 97, 130, 
132, 133, 138 
the problem of, 130, 132, 138 
> phan of old values, 119, 
Revolts, 71 
Revolution, 64-79. See 
Political crime 
nature of, 70 
Revolutionist. See 
‘i criminal 
y passion, 77 
Ribot, Pr 
‘* Ricerche sui fenomeni ipnotisi e 
spiritici,” 176 
Richet, 168, 169 
Ride du vice, 58 
Ridges, superciliary, 27, 32 
Romance peoples of Mediterranean 
region, 129 
Roncoroni, 45 
Rudimentary organs, 45-47 
Ruhmkorff, 179 
Russell, Lord John, 181 




Sander, 103 

Scaphocephaly, 35 

Schaeffie 117. 

Schiff, 179 

Schleicher, 180 

Schénlank, 110 

School of Positive Criminology, 

Schopenhauer, 107, 117, 179 

Science. See Positivism 

Scientific. See Positive 

Segregation of anti-social types, 

Selection, artificial, 128. See also 
Semitic racial elements, import- 
ance of, 129 
Semper, 180 
Sensibility, lesser, of woman, 58 
lack of, in born criminals, 88, 
and in epileptics, 99 
Sergi, 169 


Sexual differentiation, 57, 58, 126, 
See also Differentia- 

Lombroso’s law of, 57 
in savages as compared 
with civilized races, 

Sexual frigidity of prostitutes, 

Sexuality increased in genuinely 
criminal feminine types, 63 

not increased in female 
criminals by passion and 
female occasional criminals, 

Siemiradzki, 169, 170, 176 
Significance of criminal anthro- 
pology, 130-138 
Simian characteristics of criminals. 
See Primatoid varieties 
Skoda, 9 
Skull, anomalies of, in relation to 
moral imbecility, 104 
cubical capacity of, 36-38 
Eskimo, 25, 
eurygnathism, 26, 29 
Inca bone, 35 
measurements of, extreme 
values common in crim- 
inals, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42 
peculiarities of, in relation to 
criminal anthropology, 26- 
peculiarities in ossification of 
sutures, 34, 35 
prognathism, 27, 31 
scaphocephaly, 35 
stenocrotaphy, 41 
submicrocephalic, in crim- 
inals, 37 
sutures, ossification of, 34, 
Wormian bones, 35 
Slang. See Jargon 
Social environment, man and, 
inadequacy of degenerate 
individuals, 104 
reactivity, 131, 138, 142 
versus punishment, 142 
reformer, Lombroso as, 106- 
129, 148 


Social sentiments, their congenital 
character, 119 

Socialism, Italian school of, 124 

Lombroso and, 124 et seq., 

Socialist ? was Lombroso a, 124 

Society as an ‘‘ organism,” con- 
ception of, 116, 117 

Sociology, Lombroso’s principal 
contribution to, 118 e¢ seq. 

Sommer, 103, 177 

Soutenage, 60 

a Herbert, 116, 117, 178, 


Spinoza, 107, 117 

Spiritualistic researches, 167-176 

** Spirit world,” the, 176 

Spy, prehistoric human remains 

Statistical method, the, 134, 136 
Steinheil, Madame, 83 
Stenocrotaphy, 41 
Stigmata of degeneration, 103- 
105, 136 
Stone Age, 44 

Struggle, the class. See Class 

Subject-matter of criminal anthro- 
pology, 132 

Suffrage, universal, Lombroso’s 
views on, 126 note 

Suggestion in the waking state, 

Superman, criminal’s own per- 
suasion that he is, 46 

Supermen, breeding of, 123, 128, 

Sutures of skull, peculiarities in 
ossification, 34, 35 

Sympathy, greater development 
of, in women, 58, 59 


Taine, 181 

Tamburini, 175 

Tariffs, protectionist, Lombroso 
opposed to, 127 

Tattooing, 92, 93 

Teeth, abnormalities of, 104 

Telepathy, 167, 168, 169, 174, 

Teleurgists, 169 


Telluric influences, 159 

Temperature and political crime, 
75, 76 

Thaumaturgy, 168, 169 

Theory of punishment, 145, 146 

Theromorphism, 12, 19, 20, 21, 

Theromorphs in women, their 
significance greater than in 
men, 58 

Thomson, J. Bruce, 14 

Thought-reading, 167, 168, 169, 
174, 175 

Thought transference, 167, 168, 
169, 174, 175 

‘‘Time Machine, the,” quoted, 
122 note 

Tirelli, 156 
Tocqueville, 179 
Toldt’s ‘‘ Atlas of Human 
Anatomy,” 35 note 
Tolstoy, 180 
and ‘‘ The Hanging Czar,” 

Torus occipitalis, 29 
palatinus, 26 

Tourgueneff, 180 
Traditional criminality, 90 
Trance, 136 
Trance-state, the, 176 
Trickery, ‘‘ spiritualistic,” 169 
Troppman, 88 note 
Truth, alleged dangers of, 9 
Tubercle of Darwin, 47 
Type, criminal. See Criminal 

type - 

Universal suffrage. See Suffrage 


Values, extreme, of weights and 
measurements. See Ex- 
treme values 

revaluation of, 119, 128 

Van Hamel, 142, 143 

Vanity of habitual criminal, 89 

Variability, lesser, of woman, 58 

Vico, 5, 107 

Villon, Frangois, 91 

Virchow, 9, 135, 179 

Von Alesakow, 176 ' 



Von Liebig, 179, 181 
Von Liszt, 141 


Wages and prices in relation to 
crime, 87, 88 

Wagner, A., 180 

Wagner, Richard, 163, 178, 179 

War, the class. See Class war 

Weber, W. 178 

Wells, H. G., quoted, 122 note 

Westermarck, 59 

Whitman, Walt, 179 

Will, the, 7 action at a distance, 


material nature of, 174 
Woman, lesser variability of, 58 
lesser sensibility of (general, 
and to pain), 58 
sympathy, greater develop- 
ment of, 58, 59 
cruelty in, 58 
masochistic nature of, 59 
erotism, strong, abnormal in, 

moral development, inferi- 
ority of, 59 


Woman as criminal, 55-64 
absence of distinctive 
anthropological char- 
acters in, 55, 56 
prostitution in women 
regarded by Lombroso 
as counterpart of crim- 
inality in men, 60, 61 
comparative infrequency 
of criminality in 
women, 61, 62 
chiefly criminals by pas- 
sion and _ occasional 
criminals, 62, 63, 64 
Woolner’s tip, 47 
World-all, the, 132 ef seg. 
Wormian bones, 35 

Wundt, 180 
Youthful criminals, 97 

Zamboni’s dry battery, 172 
Zola, 180 

Zoliner, 168 

Zukunft, 81 

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